Part 2 (2/2)

The real executive authority was in the hands of the Cabinet, headed by a Premier or _President du conseil_.[6] The Ministry was responsible to the Senate and Chamber (in practice, as we have seen, to the Chamber), and was expected to resign as a whole if put by a vote in the minority.

By custom the President selects the Premier from the majority and the latter selects his colleagues in the Cabinet, trying to make them representatives of the wishes of the Parliament. The French Republic is therefore managed by a parliamentary government.

The first elections under the new const.i.tution resulted very much as might be expected: the Senate became in personnel the true successor of the a.s.sembly, the Chamber of Deputies contained most of the new men. The Senate was conservative and monarchical, the Chamber was republican.

Therefore, the President of the Republic entrusted the formation of a Ministry to M. Jules Dufaure, of the Left Centre, the views of which group differed hardly at all from those of the Right Centre, except in a full acceptance of the new conditions. Unfortunately, M. Dufaure found it impossible to ride two horses at once and to satisfy both the conservative Senate and the majority in the Chamber of more advanced Republicans than himself. He mistrusted the Republican leader Gambetta, though the latter was now far more moderate, and he sympathized too much with the Clericals to suit the new order of things. So his Cabinet resigned (December 2, 1876), less than nine months after its appointment, and the marechal de Mac-Mahon felt it necessary, very much against his will, to call to power Jules Simon. He had previously tried unsuccessfully to form a Cabinet from the Right Centre under the duc de Broglie.

The duc de Broglie remained, however, the power behind the throne. The President was under the political advice of the conservative set, whose firm conviction he shared, that the new Republic was advancing headlong into irreligion. The course of political events now took on a strong religious flavor. Jules Simon was a liberal, which was considered a misfortune, though he announced himself now as ”deeply republican and deeply conservative.” But people knew his unfriendly relations with Gambetta, which dated from 1871, when he checkmated the dictator at Bordeaux. It was hoped that open dissension might break out in the Republican party which would justify measures tending to a conservative reaction, and help tide over the time until 1880. Then the const.i.tution might be revised at the expiration of Mac-Mahon's term and the monarchy perhaps restored.

Gambetta was, however, now a very different man. Discarding his former unbending radicalism, he was now the advocate of the ”political policy of results,” or _opportunism_, a method of conciliation, of compromise, and of waiting for the favorable opportunity. This was to be, henceforth, the policy closely connected with his name and fame. So Jules Simon soon was sacrificed.

The efforts of the Clerical party bore chiefly in two directions: control of education and advocacy of increased papal authority, particularly of the temporal power of the Pope, dispossessed of his states a few years before by the Government of Victor Emmanuel. This latter course could only tend to embroil France with Italy. So convinced was Gambetta of the unwise and disloyal activities of the Ultramontanes that on May 4, in a speech to the Chamber, he uttered his famous cry: ”Le clericalisme, voila l'ennemi!”

Jules Simon found himself in a very difficult position. Desirous of conciliating Mac-Mahon and his clique, he adopted a policy somewhat at variance with his former liberal religious views. On the other hand, he could not satisfy the President, who had always disliked him, or those who had determined upon his overthrow. The crisis came on May 16, 1877, when Mac-Mahon, taking advantage of some very minor measures, wrote a haughty and indignant letter to Jules Simon, to say that the Minister no longer had his confidence. Jules Simon, backed up by a majority in the Chamber, could very well have engaged in a const.i.tutional struggle with Mac-Mahon, but he rather weakly resigned the next day.[7] Thus was opened the famous conflict known in French history, from its date, as the ”Seize-Mai.”

No sooner was Jules Simon out of the way than Mac-Mahon appointed a reactionary coalition Ministry of Orleanists and Imperialists headed by the duc de Broglie, and held apparently ready in waiting. The Ministers were at variance on many political questions, but united as to clericalism. The plan was to dissolve the Republican Chamber with the co-operation of the anti-Republican Senate, in the hope that a new election, under official pressure, would result in a monarchical lower house also. The Chamber of Deputies was therefore prorogued until June 16 and then dissolved. At the meeting of May 18, the Republicans presented a solid front of 363 in their protest against the high-handed action of the marechal de Mac-Mahon.

[Ill.u.s.tration: LeON GAMBETTA]

The new Cabinet began by a wholesale revocation of administrative officials throughout the country, and spent the summer in unblus.h.i.+ng advocacy of its candidates. Those favored by the Government were so indicated and their campaign manifestoes were printed on official white paper.[8] The Republicans united their forces to support the re-election of the 363 and gave charge of their campaign to a committee of eighteen under the inspiring leaders.h.i.+p of Gambetta. In a great speech at Lille, Gambetta declared that the President would have to ”give in or give up”

(_se soumettre ou se demettre_), for which crime of _lese-majeste_ he was condemned by default to fine and imprisonment. In September, Thiers, the great leader of the early Republic, died, and his funeral was made the occasion of a great manifestation of Republican unity. Finally, in spite of governmental pressure and the pulpit exhortations of the clergy, the elections in October resulted in a new Republican Chamber.

The reactionary Cabinet was face to face with as firm an opposition as before.

The duc de Broglie, in view of this crus.h.i.+ng defeat, was ready to withdraw, and Mac-Mahon, after some hesitation, accepted his resignation. Mac-Mahon's own fighting blood was up, however, and he tried the experiment of an extra-parliamentary Ministry led by General de Rochebouet, the members of which were conservatives without seats in Parliament. But the Chamber refused to enter into relations with it, and as the budget was pressing and the Senate was not disposed to support a second dissolution, Mac-Mahon had to submit and the Rochebouet Cabinet withdrew.

Thus ended Mac-Mahon's unsuccessful attempt to exert his personal power.

The Seize-Mai has sometimes been likened to an abortive _coup d'etat_.

The parallel is hardly justifiable. Mac-Mahon would have welcomed a return of the monarchy at the end of his term of office, but he intended to remain faithful to the const.i.tution, however much he might strain it or interpret it under the advice of his Clerical managers, and though he might have been willing to use troops to enforce his wishes.

One unfortunate result ensued: the crisis left the Presidency still more weak. Any repet.i.tion of Mac-Mahon's experiment of dissolving the Chamber would revive accusations against one of his successors of attempting a _coup d'etat_. There have been times when the country would have welcomed the dissolution by a strong President of an incompetent Chamber. Unfortunately, Mac-Mahon stood for the reactionaries against the Republic. His course of action would be a dangerous precedent.

The new order of things was marked by the advent of another Dufaure Ministry, very moderate in tendency, but acceptable to the majority.

Most of the high-handed doings of the Broglie Cabinet were revoked, much to the disgust of Mac-Mahon, who frequently lost his temper when obliged to sign doc.u.ments of which he disapproved. Finally, in January, 1879, in a controversy with his Cabinet over some military transfers, Mac-Mahon resigned, over a year before the expiration of his term of office.

Moreover, at the recent elections to the Senate the Republicans had obtained control of even that body. Thus he was alone, with both houses and the Ministry against him.

In spite of the unfortunate endless internal dissensions, France made great strides in national recovery during the Presidency of Mac-Mahon.

His rank and military t.i.tle gave prestige to the Republic in presence of the diplomats of European monarchies, the German crisis of 1875 showed that Bismarck was not to have a free hand in crus.h.i.+ng France, the partic.i.p.ation of France in the Congress of Berlin enabled the country to take a place again among the European Powers. Finally, the International Exhibition of 1878 was an invitation to the world to witness the recovery of France from her disasters and to testify to her right to lead again in art and industry.

The Presidency of Mac-Mahon shows the desperate efforts of the Monarchists to overthrow the Republic, and then to control it in view of an ultimate Restoration, either by obstructing the vote of a const.i.tution or by hindering its operation. Throughout, the Monarchists and the Clericals work together or are identical. The end of his term of office found the whole Government in the hands of the Republicans.

FOOTNOTES:

[5] Clericalism does not imply political activity on the part of the clergy alone, but quite as much of laymen strongly in favor of the Church.

[6] Before the Const.i.tution of 1875, the Premier was only _vice-president du conseil_.

[7] The Chamber, on May 12, had expressed itself in favor of the publicity of meetings of munic.i.p.al councils, during the absence of the Minister of the Interior. On May 15, it had pa.s.sed the second reading of a law, opposed by Jules Simon, on the freedom of the press.

[8] In France only official posters may be printed on white paper.

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