Part 8 (1/2)

and that logical forms are the foundations of all things, it is a consistent hypothesis that as thought is serial, Nature is serial; but that M. Comte, who is so bitter an opponent of all anthropomorphism, even in its most evanescent shapes, should have committed the mistake of imposing upon the external world an arrangement which so obviously springs from a limitation of the human consciousness, is somewhat strange. And it is the more strange when we call to mind how, at the outset, M. Comte remarks that in the beginning ”_toutes les sciences sont cultivees simultanement par les memes esprits_;” that this is ”_inevitable et meme indispensable_;” and how he further remarks that the different sciences are ”_comme les diverses branches d'un tronc unique_.” Were it not accounted for by the distorting influence of a cherished hypothesis, it would be scarcely possible to understand how, after recognising truths like these, M. Comte should have persisted in attempting to construct ”_une ech.e.l.le encyclopedique_.”

The metaphor which M. Comte has here so inconsistently used to express the relations of the sciences--branches of one trunk--is an approximation to the truth, though not the truth itself. It suggests the facts that the sciences had a common origin; that they have been developing simultaneously; and that they have been from time to time dividing and sub-dividing. But it does not suggest the yet more important fact, that the divisions and sub-divisions thus arising do not remain separate, but now and again re-unite in direct and indirect ways. They inosculate; they severally send off and receive connecting growths; and the intercommunion has been ever becoming more frequent, more intricate, more widely ramified.

There has all along been higher specialization, that there might be a larger generalization; and a deeper a.n.a.lysis, that there might be a better synthesis. Each larger generalization has lifted sundry specializations still higher; and each better synthesis has prepared the way for still deeper a.n.a.lysis.

And here we may fitly enter upon the task awhile since indicated--a sketch of the Genesis of Science, regarded as a gradual outgrowth from common knowledge--an extension of the perceptions by the aid of the reason. We propose to treat it as a psychological process historically displayed; tracing at the same time the advance from qualitative to quant.i.tative prevision; the progress from concrete facts to abstract facts, and the application of such abstract facts to the a.n.a.lysis of new orders of concrete facts; the simultaneous advance in generalization and specialization; the continually increasing subdivision and reunion of the sciences; and their constantly improving _consensus_.

To trace out scientific evolution from its deepest roots would, of course, involve a complete a.n.a.lysis of the mind. For as science is a development of that common knowledge acquired by the unaided senses and uncultured reason, so is that common knowledge itself gradually built up out of the simplest perceptions. We must, therefore, begin somewhere abruptly; and the most appropriate stage to take for our point of departure will be the adult mind of the savage.

Commencing thus, without a proper preliminary a.n.a.lysis, we are naturally somewhat at a loss how to present, in a satisfactory manner, those fundamental processes of thought out of which science ultimately originates. Perhaps our argument may be best initiated by the proposition, that all intelligent action whatever depends upon the discerning of distinctions among surrounding things. The condition under which only it is possible for any creature to obtain food and avoid danger is, that it shall be differently affected by different objects--that it shall be led to act in one way by one object, and in another way by another. In the lower orders of creatures this condition is fulfilled by means of an apparatus which acts automatically. In the higher orders the actions are partly automatic, partly conscious. And in man they are almost wholly conscious.

Throughout, however, there must necessarily exist a certain cla.s.sification of things according to their properties--a cla.s.sification which is either organically registered in the system, as in the inferior creation, or is formed by experience, as in ourselves. And it may be further remarked, that the extent to which this cla.s.sification is carried, roughly indicates the height of intelligence--that, while the lowest organisms are able to do little more than discriminate organic from inorganic matter; while the generality of animals carry their cla.s.sifications no further than to a limited number of plants or creatures serving for food, a limited number of beasts of prey, and a limited number of places and materials; the most degraded of the human race possess a knowledge of the distinctive natures of a great variety of substances, plants, animals, tools, persons, &c., not only as cla.s.ses but as individuals.

What now is the mental process by which cla.s.sification is effected?

Manifestly it is a recognition of the _likeness_ or _unlikeness_ of things, either in respect of their sizes, colours, forms, weights, textures, tastes, &c., or in respect of their modes of action. By some special mark, sound, or motion, the savage identifies a certain four-legged creature he sees, as one that is good for food, and to be caught in a particular way; or as one that is dangerous; and acts accordingly. He has cla.s.sed together all the creatures that are _alike_ in this particular. And manifestly in choosing the wood out of which to form his bow, the plant with which to poison his arrows, the bone from which to make his fish-hooks, he identifies them through their chief sensible properties as belonging to the general cla.s.ses, wood, plant, and bone, but distinguishes them as belonging to sub-cla.s.ses by virtue of certain properties in which they are _unlike_ the rest of the general cla.s.ses they belong to; and so forms genera and species.

And here it becomes manifest that not only is cla.s.sification carried on by grouping together in the mind things that are _like_; but that cla.s.ses and sub-cla.s.ses are formed and arranged according to the _degrees of unlikeness_. Things widely contrasted are alone distinguished in the lower stages of mental evolution; as may be any day observed in an infant. And gradually as the powers of discrimination increase, the widely contrasted cla.s.ses at first distinguished, come to be each divided into sub-cla.s.ses, differing from each other less than the cla.s.ses differ; and these sub-cla.s.ses are again divided after the same manner. By the continuance of which process, things are gradually arranged into groups, the members of which are less and less _unlike_; ending, finally, in groups whose members differ only as individuals, and not specifically. And thus there tends ultimately to arise the notion of _complete likeness_. For manifestly, it is impossible that groups should continue to be sub-divided in virtue of smaller and smaller differences, without there being a simultaneous approximation to the notion of _no difference_.

Let us next notice that the recognition of likeness and unlikeness, which underlies cla.s.sification, and out of which continued cla.s.sification evolves the idea of complete likeness--let us next notice that it also underlies the process of _naming_, and by consequence _language_. For all language consists, at the beginning, of symbols which are as _like_ to the things symbolized as it is practicable to make them. The language of signs is a means of conveying ideas by mimicking the actions or peculiarities of the things referred to. Verbal language is also, at the beginning, a mode of suggesting objects or acts by imitating the sounds which the objects make, or with which the acts are accompanied. Originally these two languages were used simultaneously. It needs but to watch the gesticulations with which the savage accompanies his speech--to see a Bushman or a Kaffir dramatizing before an audience his mode of catching game--or to note the extreme paucity of words in all primitive vocabularies; to infer that at first, att.i.tudes, gestures, and sounds, were all combined to produce as good a _likeness_ as possible, of the things, animals, persons, or events described; and that as the sounds came to be understood by themselves the gestures fell into disuse: leaving traces, however, in the manners of the more excitable civilized races. But be this as it may, it suffices simply to observe, how many of the words current among barbarous peoples are like the sounds appertaining to the things signified; how many of our own oldest and simplest words have the same peculiarity; how children tend to invent imitative words; and how the sign-language spontaneously formed by deaf mutes is invariably based upon imitative actions--to at once see that the notion of _likeness_ is that from which the nomenclature of objects takes its rise.

Were there s.p.a.ce we might go on to point out how this law of life is traceable, not only in the origin but in the development of language; how in primitive tongues the plural is made by a duplication of the singular, which is a multiplication of the word to make it _like_ the multiplicity of the things; how the use of metaphor--that prolific source of new words--is a suggesting of ideas that are _like_ the ideas to be conveyed in some respect or other; and how, in the copious use of simile, fable, and allegory among uncivilized races, we see that complex conceptions, which there is yet no direct language for, are rendered, by presenting known conceptions more or less _like_ them.

This view is further confirmed, and the predominance of this notion of likeness in primitive times further ill.u.s.trated, by the fact that our system of presenting ideas to the eye originated after the same fas.h.i.+on.

Writing and printing have descended from picture-language. The earliest mode of permanently registering a fact was by depicting it on a wall; that is--by exhibiting something as _like_ to the thing to be remembered as it could be made. Gradually as the practice grew habitual and extensive, the most frequently repeated forms became fixed, and presently abbreviated; and, pa.s.sing through the hieroglyphic and ideographic phases, the symbols lost all apparent relations to the things signified: just as the majority of our spoken words have done.

Observe again, that the same thing is true respecting the genesis of reasoning. The _likeness_ that is perceived to exist between cases, is the essence of all early reasoning and of much of our present reasoning. The savage, having by experience discovered a relation between a certain object and a certain act, infers that the _like_ relation will be found in future cases. And the expressions we constantly use in our arguments--”_a.n.a.logy_ implies,” ”the cases are not _parallel_,” ”by _parity_ of reasoning,”

”there is no _similarity_,”--show how constantly the idea of likeness underlies our ratiocinative processes.

Still more clearly will this be seen on recognising the fact that there is a certain parallelism between reasoning and cla.s.sification; that the two have a common root; and that neither can go on without the other. For on the one hand, it is a familiar truth that the attributing to a body in consequence of some of its properties, all those other properties in virtue of which it is referred to a particular cla.s.s, is an act of inference. And, on the other hand, the forming of a generalization is the putting together in one cla.s.s, all those cases which present like relations; while the drawing a deduction is essentially the perception that a particular case belongs to a certain cla.s.s of cases previously generalized. So that as cla.s.sification is a grouping together of _like things_; reasoning is a grouping together of _like relations_ among things. Add to which, that while the perfection gradually achieved in cla.s.sification consists in the formation of groups of _objects_ which are _completely alike_; the perfection gradually achieved in reasoning consists in the formation of groups of _cases_ which are _completely alike_.

Once more we may contemplate this dominant idea of likeness as exhibited in art. All art, civilized as well as savage, consists almost wholly in the making of objects _like_ other objects; either as found in Nature, or as produced by previous art. If we trace back the varied art-products now existing, we find that at each stage the divergence from previous patterns is but small when compared with the agreement; and in the earliest art the persistency of imitation is yet more conspicuous. The old forms and ornaments and symbols were held sacred, and perpetually copied. Indeed, the strong imitative tendency notoriously displayed by the lowest human races, ensures among them a constant reproducing of likenesses of things, forms, signs, sounds, actions, and whatever else is imitable; and we may even suspect that this aboriginal peculiarity is in some way connected with the culture and development of this general conception, which we have found so deep and widespread in its applications.

And now let us go on to consider how, by a further unfolding of this same fundamental notion, there is a gradual formation of the first germs of science. This idea of likeness which underlies cla.s.sification, nomenclature, language spoken and written, reasoning, and art; and which plays so important a part because all acts of intelligence are made possible only by distinguis.h.i.+ng among surrounding things, or grouping them into like and unlike;--this idea we shall find to be the one of which science is the especial product. Already during the stage we have been describing, there has existed _qualitative_ prevision in respect to the commoner phenomena with which savage life is familiar; and we have now to inquire how the elements of _quant.i.tative_ prevision are evolved. We shall find that they originate by the perfecting of this same idea of likeness; that they have their rise in that conception of _complete likeness_ which, as we have seen, necessarily results from the continued process of cla.s.sification.

For when the process of cla.s.sification has been carried as far as it is possible for the uncivilized to carry it--when the animal kingdom has been grouped not merely into quadrupeds, birds, fishes, and insects, but each of these divided into kinds--when there come to be sub-cla.s.ses, in each of which the members differ only as individuals, and not specifically; it is clear that there must occur a frequent observation of objects which differ so little as to be indistinguishable. Among several creatures which the savage has killed and carried home, it must often happen that some one, which he wished to identify, is so exactly like another that he cannot tell which is which. Thus, then, there originates the notion of _equality_. The things which among ourselves are called _equal_--whether lines, angles, weights, temperatures, sounds or colours--are things which produce in us sensations that cannot be distinguished from each other. It is true that we now apply the word _equal_ chiefly to the separate phenomena which objects exhibit, and not to groups of phenomena; but this limitation of the idea has evidently arisen by subsequent a.n.a.lysis. And that the notion of equality did thus originate, will, we think, become obvious on remembering that as there were no artificial objects from which it could have been abstracted, it must have been abstracted from natural objects; and that the various families of the animal kingdom chiefly furnish those natural objects which display the requisite exact.i.tude of likeness.

The same order of experiences out of which this general idea of equality is evolved, gives birth at the same time to a more complex idea of equality; or, rather, the process just described generates an idea of equality which further experience separates into two ideas--_equality of things_ and _equality of relations_. While organic, and more especially animal forms, occasionally exhibit this perfection of likeness out of which the notion of simple equality arises, they more frequently exhibit only that kind of likeness which we call _similarity_; and which is really compound equality.

For the similarity of two creatures of the same species but of different sizes, is of the same nature as the similarity of two geometrical figures.

In either case, any two parts of the one bear the same ratio to one another, as the h.o.m.ologous parts of the other. Given in any species, the proportions found to exist among the bones, and we may, and zoologists do, predict from any one, the dimensions of the rest; just as, when knowing the proportions subsisting among the parts of a geometrical figure, we may, from the length of one, calculate the others. And if, in the case of similar geometrical figures, the similarity can be established only by proving exactness of proportion among the h.o.m.ologous parts; if we express this relation between two parts in the one, and the corresponding parts in the other, by the formula A is to B as _a_ is to _b_; if we otherwise write this, A to B = _a_ to _b_; if, consequently, the fact we prove is that the relation of A to B _equals_ the relation of _a_ to _b_; then it is manifest that the fundamental conception of similarity is _equality of relations_.

With this explanation we shall be understood when we say that the notion of equality of relations is the basis of all exact reasoning. Already it has been shown that reasoning in general is a recognition of _likeness_ of relations; and here we further find that while the notion of likeness of things ultimately evolves the idea of simple equality, the notion of likeness of relations evolves the idea of equality of relations: of which the one is the concrete germ of exact science, while the other is its abstract germ.

Those who cannot understand how the recognition of similarity in creatures of the same kind, can have any alliance with reasoning, will get over the difficulty on remembering that the phenomena among which equality of relations is thus perceived, are phenomena of the same order and are present to the senses at the same time; while those among which developed reason perceives relations, are generally neither of the same order, nor simultaneously present. And if further, they will call to mind how Cuvier and Owen, from a single part of a creature, as a tooth, construct the rest by a process of reasoning based on this equality of relations, they will see that the two things are intimately connected, remote as they at first seem. But we antic.i.p.ate. What it concerns us here to observe is, that from familiarity with organic forms there simultaneously arose the ideas of _simple equality_, and _equality of relations_.

At the same time, too, and out of the same mental processes, came the first distinct ideas of _number_. In the earliest stages, the presentation of several like objects produced merely an indefinite conception of multiplicity; as it still does among Australians, and Bushmen, and Damaras, when the number presented exceeds three or four. With such a fact before us we may safely infer that the first clear numerical conception was that of duality as contrasted with unity. And this notion of duality must necessarily have grown up side by side with those of likeness and equality; seeing that it is impossible to recognise the likeness of two things without also perceiving that there are two. From the very beginning the conception of number must have been, as it is still, a.s.sociated with the likeness or equality of the things numbered. If we a.n.a.lyze it, we find that simple enumeration is a registration of repeated impressions of any kind.

That these may be capable of enumeration it is needful that they be more or less alike; and before any _absolutely true_ numerical results can be reached, it is requisite that the units be _absolutely equal_. The only way in which we can establish a numerical relations.h.i.+p between things that do not yield us like impressions, is to divide them into parts that _do_ yield us like impressions. Two unlike magnitudes of extension, force, time, weight, or what not, can have their relative amounts estimated, only by means of some small unit that is contained many times in both; and even if we finally write down the greater one as a unit and the other as a fraction of it, we state, in the denominator of the fraction, the number of parts into which the unit must be divided to be comparable with the fraction.

It is, indeed, true, that by an evidently modern process of abstraction, we occasionally apply numbers to unequal units, as the furniture at a sale or the various animals on a farm, simply as so many separate ent.i.ties; but no true result can be brought out by calculation with units of this order.

And, indeed, it is the distinctive peculiarity of the calculus in general, that it proceeds on the hypothesis of that absolute equality of its abstract units, which no real units possess; and that the exactness of its results holds only in virtue of this hypothesis. The first ideas of number must necessarily then have been derived from like or equal magnitudes as seen chiefly in organic objects; and as the like magnitudes most frequently observed were magnitudes of extension, it follows that geometry and arithmetic had a simultaneous origin.

Not only are the first distinct ideas of number co-ordinate with ideas of likeness and equality, but the first efforts at numeration displayed the same relations.h.i.+p. On reading the accounts of various savage tribes, we find that the method of counting by the fingers, still followed by many children, is the aboriginal method. Neglecting the several cases in which the ability to enumerate does not reach even to the number of fingers on one hand, there are many cases in which it does not extend beyond ten--the limit of the simple finger notation. The fact that in so many instances, remote, and seemingly unrelated nations, have adopted _ten_ as their basic number; together with the fact that in the remaining instances the basic number is either _five_ (the fingers of one hand) or _twenty_ (the fingers and toes); almost of themselves show that the fingers were the original units of numeration. The still surviving use of the word _digit_, as the general name for a figure in arithmetic, is significant; and it is even said that our word _ten_ (Sax. tyn; Dutch, tien; German, zehn) means in its primitive expanded form _two hands_. So that originally, to say there were ten things, was to say there were two hands of them.