Part 31 (2/2)
The only hope of China in the future--and Wilson looks not only to the removal of the sphere of influence which japan controls but to the ren influence in China--is through a firue of nations in which these probleht up for peaceful settlement ”The settlement, of course, was a compromise: a balance of considerations
It was the probleh the Conference, when to 'accommodate' and when to use decided policies 'The wisdom of the statesman,' said Cavour (quoted by Thayer in his ad when the ti decision is about as good a settlement as could be had out of a dirty past”
Even I felt bitterly critical of what seemed to me to be the President's surrender to japan in theBut when he returned and told me the whole story and explained the complicated and delicate world situation which confronted hireed with him that he had obtained out of a bad mess the best possible settlees which passed between the President and :
Received at The White House, Washi+ngton, April 30, 1919
Paris TUMULTY, White House, Washi+ngton
The japanese-Chinese matter has been settled in a hich seele of treaties in which China herself was involved, and it is important that the exact facts should be known I therefore send you the following for public use at such time as the matter hts at Kiao-Chau and in Shantung Province belonging to Germany are to be transferred without opposition to japan, but japan voluntarily engages, in answer to the questions put in Conference, that it will be her immediate policy to _Quote_ hand back the surveyed peninsula in full sovereignty to China, retaining only the econoht to establish a settletau Owners of the railill use special police only to insure security for traffic They will be used for no other purpose The police force will be composed of Chinese and such japanese instructors as the directors of the railway overnment _End quote_
It was understood in addition that inashts receded to China were to be unqualified, all japanese troops re on the peninsula should be withdrawn at the earliest possible tihts as an econoreat powers and are only too common in China, and the future relationshi+p between the two countries falls at once under the guarantee of the League of Nations of territorial integrity and political independence I find a general disposition to look with favour upon the proposal that at an early date throughout the n rights in China and all spheres of influence should be abrogated by the coard the assurances given by japan as very satisfactory in view of the coive out any of the above as a quotation from me, but use it in soht time
WOODROW WILSON
CHAPTER xxxIX
IRELAND
To one standing on the side-lines in the capital of the nation and witnessing the play of the ardent passions of the people of the Irish race, deovernht of self-determination for Ireland, it seeave utterance to the ideal of self-determination for all the oppressed peoples of the world, oefully un to free their own beloved land from British domination But to those, like myself, ere on the inside of affairs, it was evident that in every proper and legiti for efficient overn about a definite and satisfactory solution of this complicated problem
Embarrassed as he was by a delicate diplooverned his conduct, he was not free openly to espouse the cause of Ireland To have done so would have been to add difficulties to an already chaotic world situation He was co to do for Ireland to move quietly and by informal conferences iht his counsel in the matter Unfortunately, these quiet ht to the task were the things that drew the fire of criticism and even distrust of many men of the Irish race in America, who in their passionate devotion to the cause which lay so close to their hearts could see only a direct route to acco before the European war the President and I had often discussed the Irish cause and how toresults without beco involved in diplomatic snarls with Great Britain
He was of the opinion that the Irish problem could not be settled by force, for the spirit of Ireland, which for centuries had been de justice, was unconquerable He pointed out to me on many occasions e discussed this delicate lish Governthened the tenacious purpose of the Irish people and had only succeeded in keeping under the surface the seething dissatisfaction of that indomitable race
I recall that at the conclusion of one of our talks after a Cabinethis head as if he despaired of a settlement, the President said: ”European statesether only by love, by sympathy, and by justice, and not by jealousy and hatred” He was certain that the failure of England to find an adjust not only in our own country, but throughout the world, and that the agitation for a settleion and would inevitably result in a great national crisis
An interesting comment on the President's attitude toward the Irish question appears in an article in the _Atlantic Monthly_ for October, 1921 The article is by Joseph Fort Newton, in his series, ”Preaching in London” The couished London minister told me a story about the President, for which he vouches He had it from the late Sylvester Horne--Member of Parliament and minister of Whitefield's Chapel--who had known the President for years before he was elevated to his high office Houest--before the war, shortly after the President was inaugurated, and he called at the White House to pay his respects In the course of the talk, he expressed satisfaction that the relations between England and America would be in safe hands while the President was in office
The President said nothing, and Horne wondered at it Finally he forced the issue, putting it as a question point-blank The President said, addressing hiious fellowshi+p: ”Brother Horne, one of the greatest cala my term of office It will come from Germany
Go home and settle the Irish question, and there will be no doubt as to where A the matter with me, he said: ”The whole policy of Great Britain in its treatment of the Irish question has unfortunately been based upon a policy of fear and not a policy of trusting the Irish people
How nificently the policy of trust and faith worked out in the case of the Boers Unfortunately, the people of Ireland now believe that the basis of England's policy toward thee, malice, and destruction You remember, Tumulty, how the haters of the South in the days of reconstruction sought to poison Lincoln's ht lead him in his treatment of the South toward a policy of reprisal, but he contenoble thing Faith on the part of Great Britain in the deep huenerosity of the Irish people is the only force that will ever lead to a settlelish statesmen must realize that in the last analysis force never per It only produces hatreds and resentments that make a solution of any question difficult and allishmen hom I have discussed this matter that there never can be a real coland until this issue is definitely settled and out of the way”
Many times in informal discussions with British representatives that caht to i out to the our relations with Great Britain at every point I am sure that if he could with propriety have done so, Woodrow Wilson would long ago have directly suggested to Great Britain a settlement of the Irish question, but, unfortunately, serious diplomatic obstacles lay in the way of an open espousal of the Irish cause He was sadly aware that under international law no nation has the right to interest itself in anything that directly concerns the affairs of another friendly nation, for by the traditions of diplomacy such ”interference” puts in jeopardy the cordial relations of the nations involved in such controversy
Long before he became president, Woodrow Wilson had eloquently declared his attitude with reference to self-government for Ireland and had openly espoused the cause of Irish freedom In a speech delivered at New Brunswick, New Jersey, on October 26, 1910, he said:
Have you read the papers recently attentively enough to notice the ru across the waters? What are the ruraovernovernether in London or somewhere else of a parliareat confederated state upon theits power to the end of the world What is at the bottoraroup of overnthem into real substantial partnershi+p, where their voice will count with equal weight with the voice of other parts of the country