Part 22 (1/2)

Only the trans notes of President Wilson, when he inveighed against es of the war, prevented japan froreat Germano-japanese alliance, which would have ended the war at once

The overtures of the Pope, in August, 1917, were rejected and again the attention of the world was arrested by the ust 16, 1917, I addressed the following letter to the President with reference to the offers of peace made by His Holiness Pope Benedict XV:

The White House, Washi+ngton, 16 August, 1917

DEAR GOVERNOR:

I do not believe that the proposals the Pope has submitted should lead us into a statement as to the teriven expression to in his address in the Senate and in his Russian note In these two documents are discussed the fundamentals of international peace Sonizes in his stateo beyond a discussion of these nowour own allies (for instance, France hopes for the return of Alsace Lorraine; Russia, for Constantinople, etc)

When the President said in his address of April second, last, that ere not e for the abdication of the Kaiser And I think our whole note in reply to the Pope should be so framed that this idea would always be kept in the forefront of our discussion so as to bring home to the people of Ger powers of Germany are held by the peoples of the world

Our note in reply to the Pope should, I believe, e ideas:

”First--More important now than the terms of peace are the spirit and character of the nations ish to end the war

”Second--How can any international agree an end to the conflict be discussed until those who brought it about can be ations?

”Third--Attack the good faith of the ruling powers of Gerht on the war; that Gerium; that Germany ravished France, sank the _Lusitania_, ravished the women and children of the conquered territories; that Germany decreed subion

”Fourth--And the democratic nations of the world are asked to confide their future and the future of the world to a nation that believes that force of arht

In other words, the ruling powers of Geriven the hearing that the Pope feels they are entitled to”

This form of reply will, I am sure, rouse the people of Germany to a realization of the situation which confronts theradually arriving at the conclusion that the Kaiser no longer represents them or their ideals

In other words, what I should like to see the President do is not to discuss in extenso our tereneral attack upon the lack of good faith on the part of Gers with us

TUMULTY

On August 27, 1917, the President, through, his Secretary of State, addressed the following reply to the Pope:

TO HIS HOLINESS BENEDICTUS XV, POPE:

In acknowledgerent peoples, dated August 1, 1917, the President of the United States requestsreply:

Every heart that has not been blinded and hardened by this terrible warappeal of His Holiness the Pope, enerous ht take the path of peace he so persuasively points out But it would be folly to take it if it does not in fact lead to the goal he proposes Our responseelse It is not apeace

This agony ain, and it ainst it

His Holiness in substance proposes that we return to the _status quo ante bellueneral condonation, disarmament, and a concert of nations based upon an acceptance of the principle of arbitration; that by a similar concert freedom of the seas be established; and that the territorial clai problems of the Balkan States, and the restitution of Poland be left to such conciliatory adjustments as ard being paid to the aspirations of the peoples whose political fortunes and affiliations will be involved

It is ramme can be carried out successfully unless the restitution of the _status quo ante_ furnishes a firm and satisfactory basis for it The object of this war is to deliver the free peoples of the world from the menace and the actual power of a vast overn secretly planned to doard either to the sacred obligations of treaty or the long-established practices and long- cherished principles of international action and honour; which chose its own time for the war; delivered its blow fiercely and suddenly; stopped at no barrier either of law or mercy; swept a whole continent within the tide of blood--not the blood of soldiers only, but the blood of innocent women and children also and of the helpless poor; and now stands balked but not defeated, the enemy of four fifths of the world This power is not the German people It is the ruthless master of the Gerreat people came under its control or submitted with temporary zest to the domination of its purpose: but it is our business to see to it that the history of the rest of the world is no longer left to its handling

To deal with such a power by way of peace upon the plan proposed by His Holiness the Pope would, so far as we can see, involve a recuperation of its strength and a renewal of its policy; would make it necessary to create a perainst the German people who are its instru the newborn Russia to intrigue, the manifold subtle interference, and the certain counter-revolution which would be atten influences to which the German Government has of late accustomed the world Can peace be based upon a restitution of its power or upon any word of honour it could pledge in a treaty of settlement and accommodation?

Responsible statesmen must now everywhere see, if they never saw before, that no peace can rest securely upon political or economic restrictions meant to benefit some nations and cripple or, embarrass others, upon vindictive action of any sort, or any kind of revenge or deliberate injury The As at the hands of the Imperial German Government, but they desire no reprisal upon the Gers in this hich they did not choose They believe that peace should rest upon the rights of peoples, not the rights of governreat or sht to freedoovernment and to a participation upon fair terms in the economic opportunities of the world, the German people of course included if they will accept equality and not seek domination