Part 2 (2/2)

On one occasion, when he had been talking about his and Mr Lewis's different conceptions of the ”constitutional governor”, and telling his audience how he, if elected, would interpret the election as a islation in the interests of the people of New Jersey at large, he paused an instant and then in those incisive tones and with that compression of the lips which marked his more bellicose words, he said curtly: ”If you don't want that kind of a governor, don't elect me”

Excerpts fron, which Woodrow Wilson himself, after he had been twice elected President of the United States, considered the ns, because the most systematic and basic As Presidential candidate he had to cover a wide territory and touch only the high spots in the national issues, but in his gubernatorial can he spoke in every county of the state and in sorew out of each other and were connected with each other in a way that overnon and none of the stereotyped bon He had a theme which he wanted to expound to the people of New Jersey, which theovernh the coovernment, manipulated from behind the scenes by adroit representatives of the corporate interest working in conjunction with the old political islators had ceased to represent the electorate and were, as he called the of the real rulers of New Jersey, many of ere not even residents of the state, and how free governh responsible leadershi+p

He wasan application to practical politics of the fundaoverns, including the book on ”Congressional Governn issues in New Jersey he saw the fundahts and the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States His trained habit of thinking through concrete facts to basic principles was serving hin; his trained habit of clear exposition in the Princeton lecture hall was serving hi of a new kind; full of weighty instruction and yet so simply phrased and so aptly illustrated that the si; profound in political philosophy and yet at every step hus because concerned with the happiness and welfare of individuals; sometimes he spoke in parables, homely anecdotes so applied that all could understand; sometimes he was caustic when he commented on the excessive zeal of corporations for strict constitutionalisislation and judicial interpretations as would defend their property rights--how they had secured those rights being a question not discussed by these gentleh not frequently, there would be purple patches of eloquence, particularly when descanting on the long struggle of the inarticulate masses for political representation

One of the surprises of the can to those who had known him as an orator of classic eloquence was the comparative infrequency of rhetorical periods It was as if he were now too deeply engaged with actualities to chisel and polish his sentences Of the n one of his favourites was of the Irish said: ”I' the darkness out” Woodrow Wilson told the people of New Jersey that he was ”letting the darkness out” of the New Jersey political situation ”Pitiless publicity” was one of his n which quickly found currency, not only in New Jersey but throughout the country, for presently the United States at large began to realize that as going on in New Jersey was syhout the country, a treovernment to the people Since the founders of the Republic expounded free institutions to the first electorates of this country there had probably been no political can which went so directly to the roots of free representative governn which Woodrow Wilson conducted in New Jersey in the autumn of 1910

CHAPTER VII

THE CRISIS OF THE CAMPAIGN

The crisis of the caressive leader in the ranks of the Republican party in Hudson County, uttered a ringing challenge to the Den with hie contained an alternative proposition that the Democratic candidate either meet Mr Record in joint debate in various parts of the state or that he answer certain questions with reference to the control of the Democratic party by what Mr Record called the ”Old Guard” Mr Record's letter and challenge created a profound sensation throughout the state and brought hope and comfort to the ranks of the Republican party

Record emphasized the Old Guard's control of the convention at which Wilson was no most of his questions upon this character of political control, and openly challenging Wilson, the Democratic candidate, to say whether the elements that were dominant at Trenton in the Convention would be permitted by hiovernor

For several days after the letter containing the challenge reached the Dereat deal of apprehension in the ranks of the Denore the Record challenge, thus giving aid and coressivism in the state, or, on the other hand, that he would accept it and thus give Mr Record, as aexponent of liberalism in the state, a chance to outwit him in public debate The latter practically demanded of the Democratic candidate that he repudiate not only the Old Guard but the active n which had been taken over by Jaent, one of the leaders of Essex County, who daily accompanied the Democratic candidate on his tour of the state For a tinore entirely the Record challenge It was plainly evident from all sides that what appeared to be his reluctance to take a stand in the matter had turned support away at a ti his way

I accompanied the candidate on an autoht to find out, in a diplo on the Record challenge and how he intended to meet it In the autoent, then the state chairman of the De about the Princetonian's attitude toward the Record challenge A significant reave me the first intimation that the Democratic candidate was, to use a baseball expression, ”on to the Record curve” and that he would answer hi a fashi+on that the Republican can would never entirely recover from the blow

One day while ere seated in the tonneau of the autoe, Mr Wilson pointed his finger at Jinificantly: ”I intend to reply to Mr Record, but I as of this fine fellow”

A few days later, without consulting any one, Mr Wilson replied to Record's challenge It was a definite, clean-cut, unequivocal repudiation of the Old Guard's control of the De answer to every question that had been put to hi this conclusive reply, shook their heads and said, regretfully, ”dan's over”

It was plainly evident that the crisis of the can had been safely passed and that Mr Wilson was on his way to the governorshi+p

In his challenge Mr Record had addressed to Doctor Wilson nineteen questions Mr Wilson's reply was in part as follows:

You wish to knohat my relations would be with the Democrats whose power and influence you fear should I be elected governor, particularly in such i of bills, and I alad to tell you If elected I shall not either in the islation, or in shaping any part of the policy of my administration, submit to the dictation of any person, or persons, ”special interests,” or organizations I will alelcoestions froanization man, or plain citizen, and I shall confidently seek the advice of influential and disinterested men representative of the coanizations entirely; but all suggestions and all advice will be considered on its iven to anythat he exercises, some sort of political influence or control I should deehtest degree, cooperate in any such systeeneration of the Democratic party

Mr Record also inquired: ”Do you admit that the boss system exists as I have described it?” ”If so, how do you propose to abolish it?”

Mr Wilson said:

Of course I admit it Its existence is notorious I have made it my business for many years to observe and understand that systehly as I understand it You are quite right in saying that the systeerous condition in the public life of our state and nation to- day”; and that it has virtually, for the tioverne” I would propose to abolish it by the reforested in the Democratic platform, by the election to office of men ill refuse to subies to break it up, and by pitiless publicity

Still hoping to corner the Governor, Mr Record na to the Board of Guardians, do you mean such Republican leaders as Baird, Murphy, Kean, and Stokes? Wherein do the relations to the special interests of such leaders differ from the relation to the saent, and Davis?

Mr Wilson, answering this, said: