Part 20 (1/2)

[284] Diod. x.x.xiv. 2. 43.

[285] Ibid. 2. 18; Florus l.c.

[286] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 7 Quin illud quoque ultimum dedecus belli, capta sunt castra praetorum--nec nominare ipsos pudebit--castra Manli Lentuli, Pisonis Hypsaei. Itaque qui per fugitivarios abstrahi debuissent praetorios duces profugos praelio ipsi sequebantur. P.

Popillius Laenas, the consul of 132 B.C., was praetor in Sicily either immediately before, or during the revolt (C.I.L. i. n. 351. l. g).

[287] Strabo vi. 2. 6. For the question whether they held Messana see p. 98.

[288] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 2 Quis crederet Siciliam multo cruentius servili quam Punico bello esse vastatam?

[289] [Greek: _epi tae prophasei ton drapeton_] (Diodor. x.x.xiv. 2. 48).

Wallon (_Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 307) takes these words to mean that the peasantry professed to be marching against the slaves.

[290] Mahaffy (l.c.) has raised and discussed this question. His conclusions are (i) that the pirates may have been influenced by a sense of business honour to the effect that the man-stealer should abide by his bargain, (ii) that these pirates may have received some large bribe, direct or indirect, from Rome, (iii) that the natural enmity between the slaves and the pirates may have hindered an agreement for transport, (iv) that the Cilician slaves, accustomed to permanent robber-bands, may have not held it impossible that Rome would acquiesce in such a creation in Sicily, (v) that the Syrian towns would not have troubled about the restoration of such of their members as had become slaves, even had they not feared to offend Rome. He remarks that the return of even free exiles to a h.e.l.lenistic city was a cause of great disturbance.

[291] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.; Oros. v. 9.

[292] C.I.L. i. nn. 642, 643.

[293] Oros. v. 9. This _Mamertium oppidum_ of Orosius has often been interpreted as Messana (_Mamertinorum oppidum_, Bucher, p. 68); for, although the slaves of this town had not revolted (Oros. v. 6. 4), it might have been captured by the rebels. Schafer, however (_Jahrb. f.

Cla.s.s. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) explains Mamertium as Morgantia (_Murgentinum oppidum_).

[294] Val. Max. ix. 12 _ext_. 1. Diodorus (x.x.xiv. 2. 20) calls him Coma.n.u.s and speaks of his being captured during the siege of Tauromenium.

[295] Oros. v. 9.

[296] Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 308.

[297] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 8.

[298] For the _lex Rupilia_ see Cic. _in Verr_. ii. 13. 32; 15. 37; 16.

39; 24. 59.

[299] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8. Plutarch speaks of an ”attempt” ([Greek: _epecheiraese men oun tae diorthosei_]); but the effort perhaps went no further than the testing of opinion to discover the probability of support. The enterprise may have belonged to the praetors.h.i.+p of Laelius (145 B.C.).

[300] Polyb. vi. 11.

[301] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 203.

[302] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 104 Fuit Gracchus diligentia Corneliae matris a puero doctus et Graecis litteris eruditus. Id. Ib. 58. 211 Legimus epistulas Corneliae matris Gracchorum: apparet filios non tam in gremio educatos quam in sermone matris. Cf. Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. i. 1. 6; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1.

[303] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1. The King referred to in this story is perhaps Ptolemy Euergetes, who reigned from 146 to 117 B.C.

[304] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[305] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ pp. 208 foll., 258.

[306] Polyb. vi. 14 [Greek: _krinei men oun ho daemos kai diaphorou_]

(money penalties) [Greek: _pollakis ... thanatou de krinei monos_].

[307] Polyb. vi. 16 [Greek: _opheilousi d' aei poiein oi daemarchoi to dokoun to daemo kai malista stochazesthai taes toutou boulaeseos_].