Part 8 (1/2)
QUEBEC, December 24, 1811.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 2d instant, which reached me by the courier on Sat.u.r.day, and I have not failed to give it that consideration which the importance of the several points, to which it alludes, ent.i.tles it.
In addition to the president's message being full of gunpowder, the report made to congress by its committee on the state of the foreign affairs of the United States, conveys sentiments of such decided hostility towards England, that I feel justified in recommending such precaution as may place you in a state of preparation for that event; and with this view you must endeavour to trace an outline of co-operation, compensating for our deficiency in strength. I agree with you as to the advantages which may result from giving, rather than receiving, the first blow; but it is not my opinion war will commence by a declaration of it. That act would militate against the policy of both countries; therefore, we must expect repeated petty aggressions from our neighbours, before we are permitted to retaliate by open hostilities. It is very satisfactory to observe the professions of the inhabitants of Upper Canada in defence of their property and in support of their government.
I will look into the correspondence you refer to, which took place between Sir James Craig and Lieut.-Governor Gore, in 1807, 1808 and 1809, respecting the temper and disposition of your militia, and the policy to be observed in your intercourse with the Indians.
Your views, in regard to the line of conduct to be observed towards the militia forces, notwithstanding some existing circ.u.mstances unfavorable in their composition, are in my estimation wise, and on such conceptions I have hitherto acted.
There are too many considerations to allow me to hesitate in saying we must employ the Indians, if they can be brought to act with us. The utmost caution should be used in our language to them, and all direct explanation should be delayed, if possible, until hostilities are more certain; though whenever the subject is adverted to, I think it would be advisable always to intimate that, as a matter of course, we shall, in the event of war, expect the aid of our brothers. Although I am sensible this requires delicacy, still it should be done so as not to be misunderstood.
I shall call the attention of the commissariat to the supply of provisions that may be required in the Upper Province; and I had, previously to the arrival of your letter, given directions for the building of another schooner for Lake Erie.
[The remainder of this letter is of no interest.]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 35: While Colonel Craig, he was lieutenant-governor of Guernsey, in 1793, but only for a few months.]
[Footnote 36: Memoirs of the Administration of the Colonial Government of Lower Canada, by Sir James Henry Craig and Sir George Prevost, from the year 1807 until the year 1815; comprehending the Military and Naval operations in the Canadas during the late War with the United States of America. By Robert Christie.--Quebec, 1818.]
[Footnote 37: The present General Sir Gordon Drummond, G.C.B., colonel of the 49th foot. He succeeded to the command of the forces in Upper Canada in December, 1813.]
[Footnote 38: Lieut.-Colonel Ellice, inspecting field officer of militia.]
[Footnote 39: The present General Sir Roger H. Sheaffe, Bart., colonel of the 36th regiment, born at Boston, United States, 15th July, 1763, and entered the British army on the 1st May, 1778.
N.B.--On the day on which the last sheet was printed, we discovered that we had been misled by the _Times_ of 24th November, 1835, in stating our belief that Sir George Prevost was ”Canadian born.” He was born at New York, May 19, 1767--his father, a native of Geneva, settled in England, and became a major-general in the British army--his mother was Dutch, and as regards nativity, Sir George Prevost was certainly not an Englishman, so that our remark at page 95 on this point applies almost equally. Sir G. Prevost was created a baronet in 1805.]
[Footnote 40: Miami affair.]
[Footnote 41: Doubtless the afterwards celebrated Tec.u.mseh, or his brother.]
[Footnote 42: An American fort on the river St. Lawrence, about seventy miles from Kingston, and one hundred and twenty-five miles from Montreal.]
CHAPTER VI.
Our memoir having now reached the year 1812, in which the United States of America declared war against Great Britain, we proceed to give a brief review of the causes which led to that event; and in doing so it will be necessary to go back to the commencement of the century.
The first president of America, the immortal Was.h.i.+ngton,[43] and his successor, Adams, entertained friendly sentiments towards the British government and people; but early in 1801, Jefferson succeeded the latter functionary as president, being elected by ten of the sixteen states then const.i.tuting the Union. Jefferson was as inimical to England as he was favorable to France, so was his secretary of state, and successor in the presidential chair, Madison. Although there were many intervenient heart-burnings, it was not until the year 1807, when Jefferson was a second time president, that the government of the United States a.s.sumed a decidedly hostile att.i.tude towards Great Britain. The Berlin decree, in which the French ruler ventured to declare the British islands in a state of blockade, and to interdict all neutrals from trading with the British ports in any commodities whatever, produced fresh retaliatory orders in council, intended to support England's maritime rights and commerce, and to counteract Bonaparte's continental system. The Berlin decree was a gross infringement of the law of nations and an outrage on neutral rights, which especially called for resistance from the Americans, a neutral and trading people; but they neither resisted nor seriously remonstrated against it. Other causes of dispute arose from the determination of the British government to exclude the Americans from the blockaded ports of France, and from that inexhaustible source of quarrel, the impressment of British seamen from American vessels, especially as the difficulty of distinguis.h.i.+ng British from American seamen led occasionally to the impressment of American native born citizens. In June, 1807, occurred the rencontre between his majesty's s.h.i.+p Leopard and the Chesapeake, which terminated in the forcible extraction from the American frigate of four deserters from British s.h.i.+ps of war. The British government instantly disavowed this act, and recalled Vice-Admiral Berkeley, who had given the order to search the Chesapeake. Jefferson, however, not only issued a proclamation interdicting all British s.h.i.+ps of war from entering the ports of the United States, but proposed to congress to lay an embargo on American vessels, and to compel the trading s.h.i.+ps of every other nation to quit the American harbours. This proposition was warmly opposed by the federalists, or Was.h.i.+ngtonians, but it was nevertheless adopted by large majorities. Thus matters remained, with subsequent slight modifications, from the month of December, 1807, to the declaration of war in 1812, an interval which the commercial cla.s.ses spent in a hopeless struggle against bankruptcy and ruin. Attempts were not wanting on our part to arrive at a friendly accommodation, but Jefferson demanded, as a preliminary, the revocation of the British orders in council, and the entire exemption of American s.h.i.+ps from any search, or from any question as to their crews or cargoes. The British government pledged itself to repeal the orders in council as soon as the French decrees should cease to exist. In 1809, Jefferson was succeeded as president by Madison, who was compelled to yield somewhat to the popular outcry, and to repeal the universal embargo subst.i.tuting a non-intercourse act with England and France, both which nations, it must be confessed, having by restraints on their commerce given the Americans just grounds for dissatisfaction.
On the 23d June, 1812, the prince regent in council revoked the orders in council as far as regarded America, with a proviso that the revocation should be of no effect unless the United States rescinded their non-intercourse act with England. It has been thought that the revocation came too late, and that if it had been conceded a few weeks earlier, there would have been no war with America; but Madison had been treating with Bonaparte's government since the end of the year 1810, and the whole course of his conduct, with his evident desire to ill.u.s.trate his presidency by the conquest of Canada, proved his determination to brave a war with England. He and his party nicely calculated on which side the greater profit was to be obtained--whether the United States would gain more by going to war with England than by hostility against Bonaparte and his edicts. ”Every thing in the United States,” says James in his naval history, ”was to be settled by a calculation of profit and loss. France had numerous allies--England scarcely any. France had no contiguous territory; England had the Canadas ready to be marched into at a moment's notice. France had no commerce; England had richly-laden merchantmen traversing every sea.
England, therefore, it was against whom the death-blows of America were to be levelled.” The struggles of England against Napoleon enabled the American government to choose its own time. On the 14th April, congress laid an embargo on all s.h.i.+ps and vessels of the United States during the s.p.a.ce of ninety days, with the view of lessening the number that would be at the mercy of England when war was finally declared, and also of manning efficiently their s.h.i.+ps of war and privateers. By the end of May their fastest merchant vessels were converted into cruisers, ready to start at a short notice. On the 18th of June, before the revocation of the orders in council was known in the United States, a declaration of war was carried in the house of representatives by seventy-nine to forty-nine votes, its supporters being chiefly from the western and southern states to Pennsylvania inclusive, while the advocates for peace were princ.i.p.ally from the northern and eastern states.[44]
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.