Part 10 (2/2)

5.

The pope had sent Raffaello Riario, a nephew of Count Girolamo, to the University of Pisa to study canon law, and while he was still studying had advanced him to the rank of cardinal. The conspirators decided that they would invite the young cardinal to Florence, where his arrival would act as cover for the conspiracy. This way, any number of conspirators from outside Florence could be brought into the city concealed among his retinue.

The cardinal arrived in Florence and was received by Iacopo de' Pazzi at his villa Montughi outside the city. The conspirators also wanted to use the cardinal's arrival as pretext for a banquet where Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici could be a.s.sa.s.sinated. They therefore arranged for the Medici to invite the cardinal to their villa at Fiesole, but Giuliano de' Medici, either deliberately or by chance, did not attend. When this plan proved futile, the conspirators decided that if they invited the Medici to a banquet in Florence, both brothers would be compelled to attend, and they set Sunday, the twenty-sixth of April of the year 1478, for the feast.

The conspirators, intending to kill the Medici brothers during the dinner, met in the evening on Sat.u.r.day to arrange what each would do on the following day. The next morning, however, Francesco was informed that Giuliano de' Medici would not be attending the feast, and the chief conspirators met again and decided that they could not defer carrying out the conspiracy, as it would be impossible with so many individuals now involved for the plot not to be exposed. They therefore decided to kill the Medici brothers in the Cathedral of Santa Reparata, where it was their custom to go, and where the young cardinal would also be present. They wanted da Montesecco to carry out the murder of Lorenzo, while Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini would carry out that of Giuliano. But da Montesecco refused to undertake the murder, either because his meetings with Lorenzo had caused him to warm toward him or for some other reason, but he told the conspirators that he did not have the spirit to commit such a violent act in a church, adding sacrilege to betrayal.31 This led to the ruin of the conspiracy, because as time was pressing, the conspirators were compelled to give the task to Antonio da Volterra and Stefano the priest, both utterly unsuited by nature and inclination to such a deed. For if there was ever a deed that demanded great courage and an unwavering spirit strengthened by much experience of life and death, it was an a.s.sa.s.sination such as this, where one might see even the courage of battle-scarred men falter. This led to the ruin of the conspiracy, because as time was pressing, the conspirators were compelled to give the task to Antonio da Volterra and Stefano the priest, both utterly unsuited by nature and inclination to such a deed. For if there was ever a deed that demanded great courage and an unwavering spirit strengthened by much experience of life and death, it was an a.s.sa.s.sination such as this, where one might see even the courage of battle-scarred men falter.

Resolved to carry out the a.s.sa.s.sination, they chose as a signal the moment when the priest would take communion during High Ma.s.s. At that instant, Archbishop Salviati, along with his followers and Iacopo di Poggio, was to take possession of the Signoria, so that after the Medici brothers' death the magistrates would stand by the conspirators, either voluntarily or through force.

6.

The conspirators now proceeded to the church, where the cardinal and Lorenzo de' Medici were already present. The church was crowded, and the divine service had commenced before Giuliano de' Medici arrived. Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, who had been a.s.signed to murder him, went to his house to find him, and enticed him to the church with much artistry. It is striking that Francesco and Bernardo were able to conceal so much hatred and violent intent with so much spirit and flinty courage, for as they led Giuliano de' Medici to the church they entertained him with jests and puerile banter. Francesco was quite willing, under the pretense of friends.h.i.+p, to throw his arms around Giuliano and press him close to see if he was wearing a protective cuira.s.s or the like beneath his garments. The Medici knew the bitterness of the Pazzi toward them, and knew that the Pazzi wanted to undermine their power over the government; but they did not fear for their lives, as they believed that though the Pazzi would doubtless try to counter them, they would do so by means of civil authority and not through violence. Thus the young Medici, not fearing for their safety, were happy enough to join the Pazzi in their pretense of friends.h.i.+p.

The a.s.sa.s.sins were ready: some at the side of Lorenzo de' Medici, where they could stand easily and without raising suspicion on account of the large crowd in the church, the other a.s.sa.s.sins next to Giuliano. At the prearranged moment, Bernardo Bandini struck Giuliano in the chest with a dagger, Giuliano collapsing after a few steps. Francesco de' Pazzi then threw himself upon the body, stabbing it again and again, so blinded by rage that he severely wounded himself in the leg. Messer Antonio da Volterra and Stefano the priest attacked Lorenzo, but after repeated blows only wounded him with a slight cut on the neck, either because of their lack of skill or because of Lorenzo's spirit, for Lorenzo used his arms and the help of those around him to defend himself, rendering all the attempts of his attackers futile. They fled in terror and hid, though they were soon found and killed in a most humiliating manner, their bodies dragged through the city. Lorenzo, on the other hand, surrounded by his friends, locked himself in the sacristy of the church. Bernardo Bandini, seeing Giuliano de' Medici dead, also killed Francesco Nori, who was very close to the Medici, either out of longtime enmity or because Nori had tried to come to Giuliano's aid. Not content with these two murders, Bernardo Bandini ran in search of Lorenzo, intending to make up with his courage and speed for the ineffective attempts of the others. But finding that Lorenzo was hidden in the sacristy, he could do nothing. In the midst of these grave and violent events, which were so terrible that it seemed as if the church would come tumbling down, young Cardinal Riario clung to the altar, where the priests vied to protect him, until the Signoria, once the uproar died down, led him to their palace. There he remained in terror for his life until he was set free.

7.

During that era there were in Florence a number of exiles from Perugia who had been driven from their homes by factional feuds, and the Pazzi secured their a.s.sistance by promising to help restore Perugia to their faction. Archbishop Salviati, who had set out with Iacopo di Poggio to seize the palace of the Signoria, had also taken with him his allies, his two Salviati kinsmen, and the exiles from Perugia. At the palace he left some of his men below, with orders that the moment they heard a noise they should immediately seize the gate. In the meantime, he and most of the Perugians went to the upper floors, where they found the magistrates of the Signoria at dinner, as the hour was late. Cesare Petrucci, the Gonfalonier of Justice,32 asked him in, and he entered with only a few of his men, leaving the others outside, most of whom ended up locking themselves in the chancery because the doors were such that once they fell shut they could not be opened from either side without a key. asked him in, and he entered with only a few of his men, leaving the others outside, most of whom ended up locking themselves in the chancery because the doors were such that once they fell shut they could not be opened from either side without a key.

Archbishop Salviati stepped up to the Gonfalonier under the pretense of bringing him a message from the pope, but began talking with such faltering and jumbled words, and such a suspicious expression on his face, that the Gonfalonier ran shouting out of the chamber and, coming upon Iacopo di Poggio in the hall, grabbed him by the hair and dragged him to his sergeants. The gentlemen of the Signoria raised the alarm, and with whatever arms were at hand immediately killed or pushed out the windows all the men who had followed the archbishop into the palace, some of whom had been locked up, others overcome by terror. Archbishop Salviati, the two Iacopo Salviatis, and Iacopo di Poggio were hanged. But the men who had been left below in the palace had overcome the guards, taken control of the gate, and occupied all the lower floors, so that armed citizens who came running at the uproar could not offer their help to the Signoria, nor could unarmed citizens offer their support.

8.

Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini were gripped by fear, seeing Lorenzo de' Medici safe and Francesco himself, who bore the entire weight of the conspiracy, severely wounded. Bernardo was quick to apply the same frankness of spirit to his safety as he had to harming the Medici: Seeing that all was lost, he managed to escape unharmed. Francesco, on the other hand, returned wounded to his house and tried to mount his horse, as the plan had been that he would ride through the city with his armed men, rousing the populace to arms and liberty. But as his wound was too severe and he had lost too much blood, he could not get into the saddle. So he undressed and threw himself naked upon his bed, entreating Iacopo de' Pazzi to ride out in his stead.

Messer Iacopo, though old and unaccustomed to turmoil, mounted his horse in a final attempt to right their fortunes, and with about a hundred armed men a.s.sembled beforehand for the enterprise, rode out onto the piazza before the palace of the Signoria, calling out to the populace and to Liberty to come to his aid. But neither the one nor the other responded, for the populace had been rendered deaf by the fortune and munificence of the Medici, while Liberty was unknown in Florence. Only the gentlemen of the Signoria, who were masters of the upper floor of the palace, responded, greeting him with stones and attempting to intimidate him with threats. While Messer Iacopo wavered on the piazza, he was met by his brother-in-law Giovanni Serristori, who first reproached him for the mayhem he and his conspirators had unleashed, and then urged him to go home, a.s.suring him that Liberty and the cause of the populace were as much in the hearts of other citizens as they were in his. But Messer Iacopo was deprived of all hope: The magistrates of the Signoria were hostile to his cause, Lorenzo de' Medici was alive, Francesco de' Pazzi was wounded, and no one was prepared to follow or support him. Not knowing what else to do, he decided to try to save himself by flight, and so rode out of Florence and headed to the Romagna with his company of armed men.

9.

Meanwhile the whole city had erupted in turmoil, and Lorenzo de' Medici, accompanied by a crowd of armed men, had withdrawn to his house. The populace retook the palace of the Signoria, and all the conspirators who had occupied it were either taken prisoner or killed. All Florence called out the name of Medici in praise, and the limbs of the dead were speared on lances or dragged through the streets. The whole city pursued the Pazzi with words of rage and acts of cruelty. The populace seized their houses, and Francesco was dragged naked from his bed and led to the Signoria, where he was hanged next to Archbishop Salviati and the other conspirators. As Francesco was being dragged to the piazza, no amount of violent words or acts could induce him to say a single word-he only sighed quietly, fixing those around him with unwavering eyes.

Guglielmo de' Pazzi, Lorenzo de' Medici's brother-in-law, fled to Lorenzo's house, and escaped death through his innocence and the intercession of his wife, Bianca. All the citizens, armed and unarmed, came to Lorenzo during those trying days, and every one of them offered his support, so great were the fortune and grace the Medici had secured through prudence and bounty.

During these events, Rinato de' Pazzi had withdrawn to his villa. On hearing what had happened he attempted to escape in disguise, but was recognized, arrested, and taken back to Florence. Messer Iacopo de' Pazzi was also seized while crossing the Apennines, because the local people, having heard of the a.s.sa.s.sination and seeing him in flight, seized him and returned him to Florence. He kept begging his captors to kill him by the roadside, but to no avail. Messers Iacopo and Rinato were condemned to death within four days of the conspiracy, and despite the widespread slaughter and the streets filled with men's limbs, the only death lamented was that of Rinato de' Pazzi, for he was considered a wise and good man, and not known for the pride of which the rest of his family stood accused.

So that the incident would serve as a deterrent to future conspirators, Messer Iacopo, after having been buried in the tomb of his ancestors, was dragged out and buried by the city walls as if excommunicated, and then disinterred again and dragged naked through the city by the noose with which he had been hanged. Then, since no place could be found to bury him, his body was thrown into the Arno River, whose waters were very high. This is truly a great example of Fortune, to see a man of such riches and such favored position fall into utter misery, ruin, and degradation. It was said that Messer Iacopo had some vices, among them the kind of gambling and blasphemy that might befit many a lost man, but that he made up for these vices by great charity, giving generously to sanctuaries and the needy. One can also say in his favor that on the day before which Giuliano de' Medici's murder was planned, he paid all his debts and returned with exemplary solicitude whatever property of others he still held in customs or at his house, so that no one else would have to partake of his Fortune, should things go wrong.

Giovan Battista da Montesecco, after a long interrogation under torture, was beheaded. Napoleone Franzesi escaped punishment by flight. Guglielmo de' Pazzi was banished, while any cousins of his who were still alive were imprisoned in the dungeons of the fortress of Volterra.

Once the tumults were over and the conspirators punished, the funeral rites for Giuliano de' Medici were performed, accompanied by the laments of the whole of Florence, because Giuliano had exhibited all the kindness and bounty that could be wished for in a man of rank and fortune such as his. He left a natural son, born some months after his death and named Giulio, and who was graced with all the skill and fortune that in our present times is evident to the whole world, and of which, if G.o.d grants me life, I shall speak at length when I come to our own times.33 The men who had gathered in support of the Pazzi under Lorenzo da Castello in the Val di Tavere, and under Giovan Francesco da Tolentino in the Romagna, marched on Florence, but retreated on hearing that the conspiracy had failed. The men who had gathered in support of the Pazzi under Lorenzo da Castello in the Val di Tavere, and under Giovan Francesco da Tolentino in the Romagna, marched on Florence, but retreated on hearing that the conspiracy had failed.

1. Leonardo Bruni (c. 13701444), also called Leonardo d'Arezzo as he was born in the city of Arezzo, was a scholar and historian who wrote Leonardo Bruni (c. 13701444), also called Leonardo d'Arezzo as he was born in the city of Arezzo, was a scholar and historian who wrote Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII (Twelve Books of the History of the Florentine People) Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII (Twelve Books of the History of the Florentine People). Gian Francesco Poggio Bracciolini (13801459) was one of the foremost scholars of the early Renaissance. From 1453 until his death in 1459 he was Chancellor of Florence, during which time he wrote his history of the city.2. With ”ruin” Machiavelli is referring to the end of the Roman Republic. Machiavelli develops the idea of the destructive and regenerative qualities of divisiveness in a state in With ”ruin” Machiavelli is referring to the end of the Roman Republic. Machiavelli develops the idea of the destructive and regenerative qualities of divisiveness in a state in Discourses Discourses, Book I, chapters 46.3. See See Florentine Histories Florentine Histories, Book III, chapter 1.4. After the Ghibelline faction, which supported the Holy Roman Emperor against the pope, was expelled from Florence (see following footnote), the Guelph faction split into the feuding factions of the Neri (Black) and Bianchi (White). After the Ghibelline faction, which supported the Holy Roman Emperor against the pope, was expelled from Florence (see following footnote), the Guelph faction split into the feuding factions of the Neri (Black) and Bianchi (White).5. In 1266 Carlo d'Anjou defeated King Manfred of Sicily, who had a.s.serted himself in Tuscany and Lombardy as protector of the Ghibellines. The Florentine Guelphs then initiated a ma.s.s expulsion of the Ghibellines from Florence. In 1266 Carlo d'Anjou defeated King Manfred of Sicily, who had a.s.serted himself in Tuscany and Lombardy as protector of the Ghibellines. The Florentine Guelphs then initiated a ma.s.s expulsion of the Ghibellines from Florence.6. The Battle of Campaldino (1289) between Florence, controlled by the Guelphs, and Arezzo, controlled by the Ghibellines, marked the beginning of the supremacy of the Florentine Guelphs over Tuscany. The Battle of Campaldino (1289) between Florence, controlled by the Guelphs, and Arezzo, controlled by the Ghibellines, marked the beginning of the supremacy of the Florentine Guelphs over Tuscany.7. Florence's war with Duke Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan lasted from 1423 to 1428, and that against Lucca from 1429 to 1433. Florence's war with Duke Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan lasted from 1423 to 1428, and that against Lucca from 1429 to 1433.8. Uguccione della f.a.ggiuola (c. 12501319) was one of the most influential members of the Ghibelline faction of Tuscany. He had been elected chief magistrate of Pisa, then commander of the army, and in 1314, already in his late sixties, seized power and became tyrant of Pisa. The Ghibelline faction consisted for the most part of feudal aristocrats and their partisans, and supported the Holy Roman Emperor. The Guelph faction which supported the papacy was its longtime opponent. Uguccione della f.a.ggiuola (c. 12501319) was one of the most influential members of the Ghibelline faction of Tuscany. He had been elected chief magistrate of Pisa, then commander of the army, and in 1314, already in his late sixties, seized power and became tyrant of Pisa. The Ghibelline faction consisted for the most part of feudal aristocrats and their partisans, and supported the Holy Roman Emperor. The Guelph faction which supported the papacy was its longtime opponent.9. Piero d'Anjou, the brother of King Roberto of Naples. See also Piero d'Anjou, the brother of King Roberto of Naples. See also The Life of Castruccio Castracani The Life of Castruccio Castracani, p. 403.10. Bertrand de Baux, of the ill.u.s.trious lords of Baux-en-Provence. He had married Beatrice d'Anjou, the sister of King Roberto, and had recently been given the t.i.tle of Count d'Andria, hence his nickname ”Novello”-”new” or ”fresh.” Bertrand de Baux, of the ill.u.s.trious lords of Baux-en-Provence. He had married Beatrice d'Anjou, the sister of King Roberto, and had recently been given the t.i.tle of Count d'Andria, hence his nickname ”Novello”-”new” or ”fresh.”11. A town in the province of Perugia in central Italy. A town in the province of Perugia in central Italy.12. The body of magistrates of Florence's supreme executive council. The body of magistrates of Florence's supreme executive council.13. The commanders of the people's militia, which originated in Florence in the 1250s. The commanders of the people's militia, which originated in Florence in the 1250s.14. Caterina, daughter of Albert of Habsburg, had married Duke Carlo of Calabria, oldest son of King Roberto of Naples, in 1316. Caterina, daughter of Albert of Habsburg, had married Duke Carlo of Calabria, oldest son of King Roberto of Naples, in 1316.15. See See The Life of Castruccio Castracani The Life of Castruccio Castracani.16. Ramondo di Cardona was captured and imprisoned in Lucca until Castracani's death in 1528. Ramondo di Cardona was captured and imprisoned in Lucca until Castracani's death in 1528.17. Walter VI de la Brienne (c. 130456) was appointed governor of Florence for Carlo of Calabria, an office he held briefly in 1326. He returned to Florence in 1342 when the Florentine ruling cla.s.ses called upon him to rule the city. Here he showed his ”true nature,” his despotic rule ending after only ten months. Walter VI de la Brienne (c. 130456) was appointed governor of Florence for Carlo of Calabria, an office he held briefly in 1326. He returned to Florence in 1342 when the Florentine ruling cla.s.ses called upon him to rule the city. Here he showed his ”true nature,” his despotic rule ending after only ten months.18. In In The Prince The Prince, chapter 9, Machiavelli writes: ”In every city there are two opposing humors. This arises from the fact that the n.o.bles want to command and oppress the people, but the people do not want to be commanded or oppressed by the n.o.bles.” See also Discourses Discourses, Book I, chapter 5: ”For without doubt, if one considers the respective aims of the n.o.bles and the populace, one sees in the former a strong desire to dominate, and in the latter merely a desire not to be dominated.”19. Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza's wife, Bona of Savoy. Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza's wife, Bona of Savoy.20. ”Death is bitter, fame perpetual, the memory of this fact will endure.” ”Death is bitter, fame perpetual, the memory of this fact will endure.”21. Machiavelli a.n.a.lyzes ”the dangers incurred after carrying out a conspiracy” in Machiavelli a.n.a.lyzes ”the dangers incurred after carrying out a conspiracy” in Discourses Discourses, Book III, chapter 6, and also in The Prince The Prince, chapter 19, where Machiavelli further develops why ”it is difficult to attack or conspire against one who is greatly esteemed.”22. Discourses Discourses, Book III, chapter 6, t.i.tled ”On Conspiracies.”23. In 1466, Piero di Cosimo de' Medici (the father of Lorenzo and Giuliano, whom Machiavelli discusses in this chapter) had crushed his opponent Luca Pitti. In 1466, Piero di Cosimo de' Medici (the father of Lorenzo and Giuliano, whom Machiavelli discusses in this chapter) had crushed his opponent Luca Pitti.24. The chief executive council of Florence. The chief executive council of Florence.25. The purpose of the Council of Eight The purpose of the Council of Eight (Otto di Guardia) (Otto di Guardia) was to uncover conspiracies against the Florentine government. was to uncover conspiracies against the Florentine government.26. Count Girolamo Riario of Imola and Forl (144388) was the nephew of Pope Sixtus IV. Machiavelli also mentions him in Count Girolamo Riario of Imola and Forl (144388) was the nephew of Pope Sixtus IV. Machiavelli also mentions him in Discourses Discourses, Book III, chapter 6, t.i.tled ”On Conspiracies.”27. Archbishop Salviati had aspired to the archbishopric of Florence and was successfully opposed by the Medici. When he was granted the archbishopric of Pisa in 1474, the Medici and their allies barred him from taking office for three years. Archbishop Salviati had aspired to the archbishopric of Florence and was successfully opposed by the Medici. When he was granted the archbishopric of Pisa in 1474, the Medici and their allies barred him from taking office for three years.28. The pope was in favor of the Medici being ousted from power, but was categorically against their a.s.sa.s.sination. The pope was in favor of the Medici being ousted from power, but was categorically against their a.s.sa.s.sination.29. Lorenzo Giustini, the pope's governor of Castello. Lorenzo Giustini, the pope's governor of Castello.30. The son of Gian Francesco Poggio Bracciolini, who was a foremost scholar and calligrapher of the Renaissance (see note 1 above). The son of Gian Francesco Poggio Bracciolini, who was a foremost scholar and calligrapher of the Renaissance (see note 1 above).31. See also See also Discourses Discourses, Book III, chapter 6: ”As a result, the conspirators quickly decided that they would do in the cathedral what they had intended to do in the Medici palace. This threw their entire plan into disarray, because Giovan Battista da Montesecco did not want any part in a murder committed in a church. Every action had to be rea.s.signed to a different conspirator, who did not have time to steady his mind. In the end, the conspirators made so many mistakes that their plot was crushed.”32. The Gonfalonier of Justice was an office inst.i.tuted in the thirteenth century in Florence to protect the interests of the people against the powerful n.o.bles and magnates. The Gonfalonier of Justice was also the most prominent member of the Signoria, Florence's supreme executive council. The Gonfalonier of Justice was an office inst.i.tuted in the thirteenth century in Florence to protect the interests of the people against the powerful n.o.bles and magnates. The Gonfalonier of Justice was also the most prominent member of the Signoria, Florence's supreme executive council.33. The The Florentine Histories Florentine Histories are dedicated to Giulio de' Medici, Pope Clement VII, but Machiavelli does not mention him again, the eighth book ending in 1492 at Lorenzo de' Medici's death. are dedicated to Giulio de' Medici, Pope Clement VII, but Machiavelli does not mention him again, the eighth book ending in 1492 at Lorenzo de' Medici's death.

POLITICAL E ESSAYS AND AND T TREATISES.

These shorter pieces are a selection of discourses, legations, and notes that Machiavelli wrote in response to critical contemporary issues. They range from the ”Discourse on Pisa,” which he wrote from his firsthand experience of Florence's Pisan campaign in 1499, to ”A Caution to the Medici,” written in 1512 after the return to power of the Medici that signaled the end of Machiavelli's ill.u.s.trious political career and his ruin.

DISCOURSE ON P PISA.

Pisa had belonged to Florence until 1494, when Piero de' Medici, the ruler of Florence, was compelled to cede Pisa and other territories to the French during Charles VIII's Italian campaign. Within a year, Pisa had declared independence from French rule. To Florence, however, Pisa provided access to a port and was thus absolutely vital, so the Florentines began an expensive military and diplomatic effort to regain it. Other Italian states initially came to Pisa's aid against Florence, but their support gradually fell away until Venice, its last ally and Florence's great commercial rival, engaged Florence in battle at Casentino. In April 1499 the Duke of Ferrara, who was asked to mediate, negotiated Venice's ceding Pisa to Florence for 180,000 florins. The Venetians retreated from Pisa, but without handing the city over to the Florentines. Machiavelli probably wrote this piece in May 1499, shortly after the Venetian withdrawal from Pisa.

- As no one doubts that Florence must regain Pisa if it wants to maintain its independence, I do not feel I need argue the matter with other reasons than those we already know. I will examine only the ways that can or will lead to our regaining Pisa, which are either by force or by love. In other words, either we will besiege Pisa, or Pisa will willingly throw herself into our arms. As the course of love would be more secure, and consequently more desirable, I shall examine whether it is feasible. I propose that if Pisa should throw herself into our arms without our having to march into battle, then she will do so either of her own accord, handing herself over to us, or she will be handed over to us by someone who has taken control of her. Pisa's current predicament is reason enough to believe that she might want to return to our patronage, as she is alone and weak, lacking all defense, shunned by Milan, turned away by Genoa, frowned upon by the pope, and mistreated by Siena, doggedly waiting in a vain hope for weakness and disunion in Florence and others. Nor have the Pisans-this is how perfidious they are-ever been prepared to accept our emissaries or our slightest sign of goodwill. But though at present they are in such a dire state, they still will not bow their heads: hence we cannot believe that they will voluntarily submit themselves to our dominion. As for Pisa being handed over to us by someone who has managed to take possession of her, we must conjecture that such a man will have entered Pisa at their beckoning, or by force. If by force, we cannot reasonably expect him to hand Pisa over to us, because if he is powerful enough to occupy Pisa he will be powerful enough to defend and keep her for himself, as Pisa is not the kind of city to be voluntarily relinquished by whoever has become her lord. As for our entering Pisa through love, called in by the Pisans themselves-and I base my views on the recent Venetian example-I cannot believe that anyone would deceive Pisa and, under the guise of coming to her defense, betray her and hand her over as a prisoner. The only way another power's intervention would cause Pisa to come under our jurisdiction would be by that power abandoning Pisa and leaving her to us as prey, the way the Venetians did. For these reasons there does not seem to be any possibility of our reacquiring Pisa without force. As force is necessary, I believe we must now weigh whether it behooves us to use it in such times as these.

ON P PISTOIAN M MATTERS.

Since the thirteenth century, Pistoia, a wealthy city eighteen miles northwest of Florence, had been under the rule of either the city of Lucca or the city of Florence, and was governed by tyrannical lords such as Uguccione della f.a.ggiuola and Castruccio Castracani (see The Life of Castruccio Castracani The Life of Castruccio Castracani and and Florentine Histories, Florentine Histories, chapters 29 and 30). In 1401 Pistoia finally came under Florentine rule, and as the city began to prosper in the early Renaissance, the clashes and skirmishes between the rivaling Panciatichi and Cancellieri factions grew. As Machiavelli pointed out in chapters 29 and 30). In 1401 Pistoia finally came under Florentine rule, and as the city began to prosper in the early Renaissance, the clashes and skirmishes between the rivaling Panciatichi and Cancellieri factions grew. As Machiavelli pointed out in The Prince, The Prince, chapter 20, ”Our forefathers, and those we thought wise, used to say that Pistoi

<script>