Part 10 (1/2)

1.

The serious enmity between the populace and the n.o.bles, which arises from the desire of the n.o.bles to command and that of the populace not to obey, is the cause of all the evils that occur in a city18 It is this diversity of humors which feeds everything that throws republics into turmoil. It kept Rome disunited, and, if one may compare lesser things with greater, it is what kept Florence divided, even though the results were different in the two cities: In Rome the divisions that initially existed between the n.o.bles and the populace were settled by debate, while in Florence they were settled by combat. The enmity between the two factions in Rome ended in new laws, while that in Florence ended in the banishment and death of many citizens. The enmity within Rome invariably increased her military skill, while that within Florence was crushed by its opposing factions. The divisions in Rome led from a state of equality among its citizens to a momentous inequality, those in Florence from a state of inequality to an admirable equality. This diversity of effects must have sprung from the different aims of the two peoples. While the populace of Rome strove to enjoy the supreme honors together with the n.o.bles, the populace of Florence fought to govern Florence on its own without the partic.i.p.ation of the n.o.bles. As the desire of the Roman populace was more reasonable, the n.o.bles came to see the populace's a.s.saults as more bearable, and ceded easily, without taking up arms. Consequently, after some disputes and debates, populace and n.o.bles came together to produce a law that satisfied the former and allowed the latter to keep their status. In contrast, the desires of the Florentine populace were harmful and unjust, so that the n.o.bility prepared itself for its defense with greater forces, the result being bloodshed and the exile of citizens. The laws that were consequently enacted were not for the common good, but entirely in favor of the victor. It is this diversity of humors which feeds everything that throws republics into turmoil. It kept Rome disunited, and, if one may compare lesser things with greater, it is what kept Florence divided, even though the results were different in the two cities: In Rome the divisions that initially existed between the n.o.bles and the populace were settled by debate, while in Florence they were settled by combat. The enmity between the two factions in Rome ended in new laws, while that in Florence ended in the banishment and death of many citizens. The enmity within Rome invariably increased her military skill, while that within Florence was crushed by its opposing factions. The divisions in Rome led from a state of equality among its citizens to a momentous inequality, those in Florence from a state of inequality to an admirable equality. This diversity of effects must have sprung from the different aims of the two peoples. While the populace of Rome strove to enjoy the supreme honors together with the n.o.bles, the populace of Florence fought to govern Florence on its own without the partic.i.p.ation of the n.o.bles. As the desire of the Roman populace was more reasonable, the n.o.bles came to see the populace's a.s.saults as more bearable, and ceded easily, without taking up arms. Consequently, after some disputes and debates, populace and n.o.bles came together to produce a law that satisfied the former and allowed the latter to keep their status. In contrast, the desires of the Florentine populace were harmful and unjust, so that the n.o.bility prepared itself for its defense with greater forces, the result being bloodshed and the exile of citizens. The laws that were consequently enacted were not for the common good, but entirely in favor of the victor.

As a result of the victories of the populace, the city of Rome became more adept and expert. Because the populace could serve along with the n.o.bles in the administration of the magistracies, the army, and the provinces, they could acquire the same skill as the n.o.bles, and as the expertise of Rome grew, so did its might. But in Florence, when the populace was victorious, the n.o.bility was deprived of magistracies, and if they wanted to regain them, it was necessary for the n.o.bles not only to be like men of the populace in their behavior, spirit, and manner of living, but also to be seen to be like them. From this arose those changes in the coats of arms and the t.i.tles of families which the n.o.bles adopted in order to seem part of the populace. Hence the military prowess and generosity of spirit that had resided in the n.o.bility was extinguished, while it could not be rekindled in the populace since these qualities had never existed. So Florence became increasingly humble and wretched. But while in Rome the n.o.bles' skill turned into arrogance, so that Rome reached a point where it could not exist without a prince, Florence was in a position where a wise lawgiver could inst.i.tute any form of government.

BOOK VII.

33.

[...] Cola Montano was a man of letters and great ambition who taught Latin to the foremost youths of Milan. Either from hatred of the ways of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan, or for some other reason, he was always arguing how detestable life was under a bad prince, and how lucky were those whom Nature and Fortune had granted the privilege of being born and living in a republic. He claimed that all famous men had been raised in republics, not in princ.i.p.alities, because republics reared skilled men while princ.i.p.alities destroyed them. Republics drew advantage from a man's skill, while princ.i.p.alities feared it.

The youths to whom Cola Montano was closest were Giovannandrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Olgiato. He often discussed the duke's evil nature with them, and the misfortune of those who were under his rule, and his confidence in these young men's spirit and will grew so strong that he had them swear that once they were old enough, they would free their city from the tyranny of this prince. The young men were enthralled by the desire for freedom, which grew within them as the years pa.s.sed. This desire was quickened by the duke's evil deeds and the harm he did the young men and their families, making them all the more resolved to carry out the conspiracy. Duke Galeazzo was profligate and cruel, and the ample evidence he had given of this inspired the hatred of all. Not content with corrupting n.o.ble ladies, he also took pleasure in humiliating them in public, nor was he content with murdering men unless he could do so in some cruel fas.h.i.+on. The rumor followed him that he had killed his own mother, for it was said that he did not consider himself a ruler as long as she was alive. He comported himself in such a way that she withdrew to her residence in Cremona, which had been part of her dowry, but on her way there she was seized by a sudden illness and died. Many subsequently claimed that her son had had her killed. Duke Galeazzo had dishonored the women of Carlo's and Girolamo's families, and had refused to give Giovannandrea possession of the abbey of Miramondo, as the pontiff had a.s.signed it to one of the duke's close relatives instead.

These personal injuries fanned the young men's desire for vengeance and for delivering their city from so many evils, and they hoped that if they succeeded in killing the duke they would be supported by much of the n.o.bility and the entire populace. Determined to proceed with their plot, they often met together, which, since they were all old friends, did not arouse any suspicion. They discussed the matter in great detail, and to strengthen their spirit for the deed practiced striking each other in the side and the chest with the sheaths of the daggers they were intending to use. They debated the best time and place for the deed: The castle did not seem safe, a hunting expedition was uncertain and dangerous, and the duke's strolls through the city seemed difficult, offering scant prospect for success, as did a.s.sa.s.sinating him at a banquet. The young men therefore decided to a.s.sa.s.sinate the duke at some public ceremony which he would definitely attend, and where they and their supporters could gather without arousing suspicion. They also decided that should one of them be seized or arrested for whatever reason, the others would draw their swords and kill the duke, even if they were surrounded by the duke's armed guard.

34.

The year 1476 was drawing to a close and the Christmas feast was approaching. On Saint Stephen's Day the duke was accustomed to proceed with great pomp to the church of that martyred saint, and the conspirators decided that this would be the best moment to carry out their design. On the morning of the saint's day they armed some of their most trusted friends and servants, announcing that they were going to the a.s.sistance of Giovannandrea, who wanted to build an aqueduct leading onto his estate against the wishes of some of his neighbors. They led their armed men to the church, alleging that they wished to request permission from the prince before setting out. Under various pretexts they also gathered together other friends and kinsmen at the church, hoping that when the deed was done everyone would follow them in the rest of their enterprise. Their aim, after the duke's death, was to a.s.semble their armed followers and march to those parts of the city where they believed they could easily incite the plebeians to take up arms against the d.u.c.h.ess19 and the leaders of the state. The starving populace, they believed, would readily follow them, as they planned to allow them to plunder the houses of Messer Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all leaders of the state, and in this way secure themselves and restore liberty to the populace. and the leaders of the state. The starving populace, they believed, would readily follow them, as they planned to allow them to plunder the houses of Messer Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all leaders of the state, and in this way secure themselves and restore liberty to the populace.

The young men's plan was fixed, and they were resolved to carry it out. Giovannandrea and the others went to the church early and heard Ma.s.s together, after which Giovannandrea turned to a statue of Saint Ambrose and said: ”Patron of our city! You know our intention and what we are striving for with such great danger to ourselves. Favor our enterprise, and prove by your support of justice that you despise injustice!”

Meanwhile, as the duke was preparing to set out for the church, he encountered many omens of impending death. At daybreak, when he was dressing, he put on his cuira.s.s as he often did, but then immediately took it off again, either because it was uncomfortable or because he did not like its appearance. He then decided to have Ma.s.s read at the castle instead, but found that his chaplain had left for the Church of Saint Stephen with all the sacral vessels. He then asked the Bishop of Como to celebrate the Ma.s.s instead, but the bishop was unable to. Consequently, it was almost as if the duke was being forced to go to the church. Before he left, he had his sons Giovangaleazzo and Ermes come to him, and embraced and kissed them many times, as if he could not part from them. But finally, having decided to go, he left the castle and walked to the church with the emissaries of Ferrara and Mantua on either side.

In the meantime, to excite less suspicion and escape the intense cold, the conspirators retired to the chamber of the archpriest, who was their friend, but on hearing the duke approach they returned to the church. Giovannandrea and Girolamo positioned themselves to the right of the entrance, Carlo to the left. Those preceding the duke had already entered and were then followed by the duke himself, who was surrounded by a great crowd, as was to be expected in a solemn ducal procession. The first to move were Lampognano and Girolamo, pretending to clear the way for the duke. Once they were close enough, they grasped the short sharp knives hidden in their sleeves and struck at him. Lampognano inflicted two wounds, one in the belly, the other in the throat; Girolamo also struck the duke in the throat and in the chest. Carlo Visconti was standing closer to the door, and as the duke had already pa.s.sed by when the others attacked, Visconti could not wound him in front, but with two blows pierced his back and shoulder. These six wounds were so rapid and sudden that the duke fell to the ground before anyone realized what was happening-nor could the duke do or say anything, except call out a single time to the Virgin Mary for help.

With the duke on the ground a great commotion broke out: Swords were drawn, and as happens at unforeseen events, some ran from the church and others ran blindly toward the uproar without anyone knowing what was happening. Nevertheless, those closest to the duke who had seen him slain recognized the murderers and pursued them. Giovannandrea tried to push his way out of the church through the large crowd of women who were sitting on the floor, as was their practice, but he became tangled in their dresses and was slain by a Moor, one of the duke's manservants. Carlo too was killed by the men around him. Girolamo Olgiato, on the other hand, managed to make his way through the crowd and out of the church. On seeing his companions dead, and not knowing where to flee, he ran home, where his father and brothers refused to receive him: Only his mother showed compa.s.sion, and entrusted Girolamo to a priest, an old family friend who disguised him in his robes and led him to his house. There Girolamo remained for two days, still hoping that some uprising in Milan might save him. But there was no uprising, so he tried to escape in disguise, afraid that sooner or later he would be discovered at the priest's house. But he was recognized and handed over to the magistrates, to whom he revealed all the details of the conspiracy. Girolamo was twenty-three years old, and he showed as much spirit at his death as he had during the conspiracy. Finding himself stripped before his executioner, who stood knife in hand, Girolamo, a man of letters, spoke the following words in Latin: Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti? Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti?20 The endeavor of these unfortunate young men was planned in secrecy and carried out with spirit, and they failed only when those who they expected would follow and defend them neither followed nor defended them. A prince should therefore learn to live in a manner that will make him loved and revered, so that no one who intends to a.s.sa.s.sinate him can hope to escape. Conspirators, on the other hand, should be aware of the futility of trusting the mult.i.tude, and of believing that even when malcontent the people will follow or join them in their perilous undertakings.21 All Italy was alarmed by this event, but alarmed even more by the events in Florence that were soon to follow, events that ended a peace in Italy that had lasted for twelve years, as I shall show in the following book, which might have a sad and tearful ending, but will commence with bloodshed and terror. All Italy was alarmed by this event, but alarmed even more by the events in Florence that were soon to follow, events that ended a peace in Italy that had lasted for twelve years, as I shall show in the following book, which might have a sad and tearful ending, but will commence with bloodshed and terror.

BOOK VIII.

1.

The beginning of this eighth book falls between two conspiracies: one in Milan, which I have just described, and the other, which I will now describe, in Florence. Hence it would seem fitting, should I follow my usual practice, to discuss the nature of conspiracies and their significance. I would do this quite readily if I had not already discussed the matter elsewhere,22 or if it were the kind of subject one could touch on briefly. But as the nature of conspiracies and their significance deserve extensive consideration and have already been discussed in another place, I leave them aside and move on. or if it were the kind of subject one could touch on briefly. But as the nature of conspiracies and their significance deserve extensive consideration and have already been discussed in another place, I leave them aside and move on.

The Medici had now crushed all the enemies who had challenged them openly, but in order for this family to wield exclusive power in Florence and distinguish themselves from other families in civic life, the Medici also needed to overcome enemies who were plotting against them secretly. When the Medici had been vying with other families of equal influence and standing, citizens who envied their power were able to oppose them openly without having to fear that they would be crushed at the first sign of opposition, since at that point the magistrates were independent and no faction had reason to be afraid until they actually lost. But after the victory of 146623 the government was almost entirely in the hands of the Medici, who had acquired so much power that those who were dissatisfied either had to suffer in patience or, if they wanted to destroy the Medici's power, had to try doing so through secret means and conspiracy. But conspiracies barely ever succeed, more often than not bringing ruin to the conspirators and greatness to those they conspire against. As a result, when in such a conspiracy a prince is attacked and is not killed (the a.s.sa.s.sination of the Duke of Milan was a rare exception), the prince emerges with greater power, and frequently, even if he was a good man before the conspiracy, will turn evil. This happens because conspiracies give the prince reason to fear, and fear gives him reason to secure himself, and securing himself gives him reason to harm others, from which arises hatred and, often enough, the prince's ruin. Hence these conspiracies quickly crush those who conspire, while those who are conspired against will with time inevitably cause harm. the government was almost entirely in the hands of the Medici, who had acquired so much power that those who were dissatisfied either had to suffer in patience or, if they wanted to destroy the Medici's power, had to try doing so through secret means and conspiracy. But conspiracies barely ever succeed, more often than not bringing ruin to the conspirators and greatness to those they conspire against. As a result, when in such a conspiracy a prince is attacked and is not killed (the a.s.sa.s.sination of the Duke of Milan was a rare exception), the prince emerges with greater power, and frequently, even if he was a good man before the conspiracy, will turn evil. This happens because conspiracies give the prince reason to fear, and fear gives him reason to secure himself, and securing himself gives him reason to harm others, from which arises hatred and, often enough, the prince's ruin. Hence these conspiracies quickly crush those who conspire, while those who are conspired against will with time inevitably cause harm.

2.

Italy was, as I have already shown, divided into two factions: Pope Sixtus IV and King Ferdinand on one side, and the Venetians, the duke, and the Florentines on the other. Though all-out war between the factions had not yet broken out, every day there were new grounds for such an event, the pope, particularly, endeavoring in all his enterprises to harm the government of Florence. Hence at the death of Filippo de' Medici, the Archbishop of Pisa, the pope bestowed the Archbishopric on Francesco Salviati, who he knew was an enemy of the Medici. The Signoria of Florence24 was opposed to this and refused to grant Salviati accession to this office, which resulted in considerable turmoil between the pope and the Signoria. The pope also bestowed the greatest favors on the Pazzi in Rome, disfavoring the Medici at every opportunity. was opposed to this and refused to grant Salviati accession to this office, which resulted in considerable turmoil between the pope and the Signoria. The pope also bestowed the greatest favors on the Pazzi in Rome, disfavoring the Medici at every opportunity.

In that era the Pazzi, through their wealth and n.o.bility, were the foremost family of Florence. The head of the house of Pazzi was Messer Iacopo, who had been made a cavaliere cavaliere by the people on account of his wealth and n.o.bility. He had no children except a natural daughter, but had many nephews born to his brothers Messers Piero and Antonio. The foremost of these were Guglielmo, Francesco, Rinato, and Giovanni, and after them in rank came Andrea, Niccolo, and Galeotto. Cosimo de' Medici, seeing their wealth and n.o.bility, had given his niece Bianca in marriage to Guglielmo de' Pazzi in the hope that this alliance would bring the two houses closer, removing the enmity and hatred that is so often sparked by distrust. by the people on account of his wealth and n.o.bility. He had no children except a natural daughter, but had many nephews born to his brothers Messers Piero and Antonio. The foremost of these were Guglielmo, Francesco, Rinato, and Giovanni, and after them in rank came Andrea, Niccolo, and Galeotto. Cosimo de' Medici, seeing their wealth and n.o.bility, had given his niece Bianca in marriage to Guglielmo de' Pazzi in the hope that this alliance would bring the two houses closer, removing the enmity and hatred that is so often sparked by distrust.

However, our designs frequently tend to be uncertain and false, and this alliance brought unexpected consequences, for Lorenzo de' Medici's advisers drew his attention to how very dangerous and detrimental to his authority it was to unite wealth and status in a citizen. The result was that neither Messer Iacopo nor his nephews were given the ranks and honors they merited in relation to the other citizens. This sparked the first indignation in the Pazzi and the first fear in the Medici, and as one of these grew it gave fodder to the other to grow as well. Now whenever the Pazzi had a dispute with any citizen, the magistracy invariably ruled against the Pazzi. Once, when Francesco de' Pazzi was in Rome, the Council of Eight25 forced him to return to Florence on some trivial matter without granting him the respect usually accorded to a dignitary, so that the Pazzi continuously complained with injurious and indignant words that increased people's suspicion of the Medici, and in turn increased the damage the Medici did to the Pazzi. Giovanni de' Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a very wealthy man whose estate after his death came to his daughter, as he had no other children. Yet Giovanni Buonromei's nephew Carlo seized part of the estate, and when the matter was brought before the magistrates, Giovanni de' Pazzi's wife was stripped of her father's inheritance, which was granted to Carlo. The Pazzi saw this as the work of the Medici. In fact, Giuliano de' Medici often complained to his brother Lorenzo that he feared that should the Medici set their eyes on too much, they might well lose everything. forced him to return to Florence on some trivial matter without granting him the respect usually accorded to a dignitary, so that the Pazzi continuously complained with injurious and indignant words that increased people's suspicion of the Medici, and in turn increased the damage the Medici did to the Pazzi. Giovanni de' Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a very wealthy man whose estate after his death came to his daughter, as he had no other children. Yet Giovanni Buonromei's nephew Carlo seized part of the estate, and when the matter was brought before the magistrates, Giovanni de' Pazzi's wife was stripped of her father's inheritance, which was granted to Carlo. The Pazzi saw this as the work of the Medici. In fact, Giuliano de' Medici often complained to his brother Lorenzo that he feared that should the Medici set their eyes on too much, they might well lose everything.

3.

But Lorenzo, flushed with power and youth, wanted to control everything and be the one to bestow or withhold all favors and honors. The Pazzi, with all their n.o.bility and wealth, were unwilling to endure the many wrongs against them, and began to consider how they could avenge themselves against the Medici. Francesco de' Pazzi was the first to broach the subject. He was more spirited and fiery than the rest, so much so that he was intent on either gaining what he did not have, or losing all he did have. He so hated the rulers of Florence that he lived almost exclusively in Rome, where, as was customary with Florentine merchants, he worked with a great amount of capital. And as he was a close friend of Count Girolamo,26 they frequently complained to each other about the Medici, and after much complaining came to the conclusion that it would be necessary, should the count wish to live securely on his estates and Francesco in Florence, to change the Florentine government. This, they believed, could not be done without the deaths of Giuliano and Lorenzo de' Medici. They were certain that the pope and King Ferdinand would readily consent to their plan once they saw how easily it could be accomplished. they frequently complained to each other about the Medici, and after much complaining came to the conclusion that it would be necessary, should the count wish to live securely on his estates and Francesco in Florence, to change the Florentine government. This, they believed, could not be done without the deaths of Giuliano and Lorenzo de' Medici. They were certain that the pope and King Ferdinand would readily consent to their plan once they saw how easily it could be accomplished.

Francesco de' Pazzi and Count Girolamo spoke of their plan to Francesco Salviati, the archbishop of Pisa, who was exceedingly ambitious and had recently been offended by the Medici.27 He readily joined in the conspiracy, and they discussed among themselves what to do next. They decided to involve Iacopo de' Pazzi, without whom they believed they could not carry out their plan. The best tactic seemed for Francesco de' Pazzi to go to Florence while Archbishop Salviati and Count Girolamo remained in Rome so they would be close to the pope when the time came to approach him. Francesco de' Pazzi found Messer Iacopo de' Pazzi more cautious and inflexible than he would have liked, and on informing the others of this in Rome, it was decided that some greater authority would be necessary to draw him into the scheme. Consequently, the archbishop and the count approached Giovan van Battista da Montesecco, an ill.u.s.trious He readily joined in the conspiracy, and they discussed among themselves what to do next. They decided to involve Iacopo de' Pazzi, without whom they believed they could not carry out their plan. The best tactic seemed for Francesco de' Pazzi to go to Florence while Archbishop Salviati and Count Girolamo remained in Rome so they would be close to the pope when the time came to approach him. Francesco de' Pazzi found Messer Iacopo de' Pazzi more cautious and inflexible than he would have liked, and on informing the others of this in Rome, it was decided that some greater authority would be necessary to draw him into the scheme. Consequently, the archbishop and the count approached Giovan van Battista da Montesecco, an ill.u.s.trious condottiere condottiere in the service of the pope, who was under obligation to both the pope and the count. Da Montesecco pointed out the difficulties and dangers of the scheme, but the archbishop strove to make light of them by calling attention to the backing of the pope and the king, the hatred of the citizens of Florence for the Medici, and the powerful houses of Salviati and Pazzi. The archbishop also noted the ease with which the Medici could be killed, as they went about town incautiously and without a guard, and how easily the government could be changed once the Medici were dead. Da Montesecco was not entirely convinced, as he had heard a quite different tale from many Florentines. in the service of the pope, who was under obligation to both the pope and the count. Da Montesecco pointed out the difficulties and dangers of the scheme, but the archbishop strove to make light of them by calling attention to the backing of the pope and the king, the hatred of the citizens of Florence for the Medici, and the powerful houses of Salviati and Pazzi. The archbishop also noted the ease with which the Medici could be killed, as they went about town incautiously and without a guard, and how easily the government could be changed once the Medici were dead. Da Montesecco was not entirely convinced, as he had heard a quite different tale from many Florentines.

4.

While they were engaged in these deliberations, Duke Carlo Manfredi of Faenza fell so ill that it was believed he was about to die. This offered the archbishop and the count the opportunity to send Giovan Battista da Montesecco to Florence and from there to the Romagna, under the pretext of retaking the territories that Duke Carlo had seized from Count Girolamo. The count commissioned da Montesecco to speak to Lorenzo de' Medici and to ask him on his behalf for advice on how to handle the matter of the Romagna, and then, together with Francesco de' Pazzi, to attempt to induce Messer Iacopo de' Pazzi to partic.i.p.ate in the conspiracy. In order to impress Messer Iacopo with the authority of the pope, they asked da Montesecco before his departure to speak to the pontiff, who made the greatest offers he could in favor of the enterprise.28 On arriving in Florence, Giovan Battista approached Lorenzo de' Medici, who received him very warmly and offered him wise and gracious advice. Da Montesecco found himself filled with admiration for Lorenzo, who seemed a quite different man from what he had been led to expect. In fact da Montesecco thought him courteous, wise, and well disposed toward Count Girolamo. Nevertheless, da Montesecco was resolved to meet with Francesco de' Pazzi, but as Francesco had left for Lucca, he decided to speak to Messer Iacopo on his own, finding him initially quite averse to the conspiracy. All the same, before they parted company, da Montesecco saw that his invocation of the pope's authority seemed to have moved Messer Iacopo to some extent. Messer Iacopo told da Montesecco to go to the Romagna, and that by the time he returned Francesco would also have returned from Lucca, at which point they could discuss the matter in greater detail.

When da Montesecco returned to Florence from the Romagna he feigned further consultation with Lorenzo de' Medici about Count Girolamo's affairs, after which he and Messer Francesco met with Messer Iacopo and did not relent until he agreed to join the conspiracy. They then discussed how it was to be carried out. Messer Iacopo did not believe they would succeed if both Medici brothers were in Florence, and suggested they wait until Lorenzo went to Rome, a journey it was rumored that he was planning. Messer Francesco liked the idea, but suggested that in the event that Lorenzo did not go to Rome, both Medici brothers could be a.s.sa.s.sinated at a wedding, at a tournament, or in a church. As for a.s.sistance from outside, he felt that the pope could gather an army under the pretext of a campaign against the town of Montone, which the pope had every reason to seize from Count Carlo, who had caused the troubles in Siena and Perugia that I have already mentioned. Nevertheless, nothing was decided except that Francesco de' Pazzi and da Montesecco would go to Rome and arrange everything with Count Girolamo and the pope.

The matter was once more discussed in Rome, and it was finally decided that when the pope's expedition against Montone was over, Giovan Francesco da Tolentino, one of the pope's soldiers, would go to the Romagna, and that Messer Lorenzo da Castello29 would go to Castello. The two men would gather troops provided by their territories and wait for an order from Archbishop Salviati and Francesco de' Pazzi, who had come to Florence with Giovan Battista da Montesecco, to see to any details necessary for the execution of the plan. King Ferdinand, too, promised through an emissary all the help he could. would go to Castello. The two men would gather troops provided by their territories and wait for an order from Archbishop Salviati and Francesco de' Pazzi, who had come to Florence with Giovan Battista da Montesecco, to see to any details necessary for the execution of the plan. King Ferdinand, too, promised through an emissary all the help he could.

Archbishop Salviati and Francesco de' Pazzi arrived in Florence and drew into the conspiracy Iacopo di Poggio,30 a young man of letters who was, however, very ambitious and eager for change, and two Iacopo Salviatis, one a brother of Archbishop Salviati and the other a kinsman. They also involved Bernardo Bandini and Napoleone Franzesi, spirited young men indebted to the Pazzi family. As for men from outside Florence, beside those already mentioned, they also drew in Antonio da Volterra and a priest by the name of Stefano, who taught Latin to Iacopo de' Pazzi's daughter. Rinato de' Pazzi, a grave and prudent man who was quite aware of the dangers that can arise from such undertakings, was against the conspiracy; in fact he detested it, and tried to thwart it as best he could, short of endangering his family and friends. a young man of letters who was, however, very ambitious and eager for change, and two Iacopo Salviatis, one a brother of Archbishop Salviati and the other a kinsman. They also involved Bernardo Bandini and Napoleone Franzesi, spirited young men indebted to the Pazzi family. As for men from outside Florence, beside those already mentioned, they also drew in Antonio da Volterra and a priest by the name of Stefano, who taught Latin to Iacopo de' Pazzi's daughter. Rinato de' Pazzi, a grave and prudent man who was quite aware of the dangers that can arise from such undertakings, was against the conspiracy; in fact he detested it, and tried to thwart it as best he could, short of endangering his family and friends.