Part 8 (1/2)

CHAPTER ONE.

ON THE NEED TO KEEP BRINGING A SECT193 OR A STATE BACK TO ITS ORIGINS IF IT IS TO ENDURE OR A STATE BACK TO ITS ORIGINS IF IT IS TO ENDURE.

It is too true that all the things of this world have an end, but those things that manage to pa.s.s through the entire cycle that Heaven has ordained for them do so only because they do not let themselves fall into disarray, but maintain themselves in an ordered fas.h.i.+on. They do not let their system change, or if they do, it is a change that benefits rather than harms them. Here I am talking about mixed bodies, such as states or sects, and I propose that changes that restore them to their origins are to their benefit. Accordingly, the sects and states that are best organized and have the longest life are those which can keep renewing themselves through their inst.i.tutions, or by some event from outside. It is quite clear that if they do not renew themselves they will not endure.

The way to renew these bodies is, as I have said, to take them back toward their origins, because the origins of all sects, republics, and kingdoms inevitably have some good through which they can reclaim their initial worth and growth. As time pa.s.ses, this original goodness becomes corrupted, and if something does not intervene to restore the body to its roots, the corruption will inevitably kill it. As the doctors of medicine say: ”Every day the body absorbs something that will sooner or later require a cure.”194 This restoration to origins, when speaking of states, is done either by extrinsic events or intrinsic foresight. As for extrinsic events, it was clearly necessary for Rome to be taken by the Gauls195 in order for it to be reborn, and once reborn it gathered new life and strength and again embraced religion and justice, which had begun to be corrupted. This is quite clear in Livy's in order for it to be reborn, and once reborn it gathered new life and strength and again embraced religion and justice, which had begun to be corrupted. This is quite clear in Livy's Histories Histories, in which he shows how, in sending the army out against the Gauls and in creating tribunes with consular power, the Romans no longer observed religious ceremony196 Similarly, the Romans not only did not punish the three Fabii who had fought against the Gauls in a way that was Similarly, the Romans not only did not punish the three Fabii who had fought against the Gauls in a way that was contra ius gentium contra ius gentium, but in fact made them tribunes.197 It is easy to a.s.sume that the Romans had begun to turn away from the sound laws created by Romulus and other judicious rulers after him, laws that were reasonable and necessary to preserve a free way of life. Then came the shock from outside when the Gauls occupied Rome, with the result that all the inst.i.tutions of the state were subsequently renewed. The people of Rome realized that it was not only necessary to maintain religion and justice, but also to hold its good legislators in esteem. The people saw that it was important to place more value on the skill of these legislators than on any conveniences they might be deprived of because of the policies of these legislators. This is precisely what happened. The instant the Romans reclaimed Rome from the Gauls, they renewed all the inst.i.tutions of their old religion, punished the Fabii who had fought It is easy to a.s.sume that the Romans had begun to turn away from the sound laws created by Romulus and other judicious rulers after him, laws that were reasonable and necessary to preserve a free way of life. Then came the shock from outside when the Gauls occupied Rome, with the result that all the inst.i.tutions of the state were subsequently renewed. The people of Rome realized that it was not only necessary to maintain religion and justice, but also to hold its good legislators in esteem. The people saw that it was important to place more value on the skill of these legislators than on any conveniences they might be deprived of because of the policies of these legislators. This is precisely what happened. The instant the Romans reclaimed Rome from the Gauls, they renewed all the inst.i.tutions of their old religion, punished the Fabii who had fought contra ius gentium contra ius gentium, and valued the skill and goodness of Camillus so highly that the Senate and everyone else set aside their jealousies and placed the heavy burden of government entirely in his hands.198 Hence it is necessary, as I have already said, for members of any kind of body to examine themselves frequently, whether instigated by eternal or internal events. If by internal events, it is best when these arise either inst.i.tutionally, which will often make members of the body reexamine matters, or by a good man who, through his example and good works, produces the same effect.

Consequently, this benefit comes about in a state through the skill either of a man or of an inst.i.tution. As for the latter, the inst.i.tutions that drew the Roman Republic back toward its origins were the tribunes of the plebeians and the censors, together with all the laws inst.i.tuted against men's ruthless ambition and insolence. These inst.i.tutions must be given life through the skill of a single citizen who bravely sets out to enforce them against the power of those who will not comply. In the era before Rome was seized by the Gauls, there were notable incidents of such enforcement, such as the killing of Brutus's sons, the deaths of the Decemvirs, and the murder of Maelius the Grain-dealer.199 In the era after Rome was occupied by the Gauls, there were the deaths of Manlius Capitola.n.u.s and of Manlius Torquatus's son, the attempt of Papirius Cursor to condemn to death Fabius, his master of cavalry, and the charges against the Scipios. In the era after Rome was occupied by the Gauls, there were the deaths of Manlius Capitola.n.u.s and of Manlius Torquatus's son, the attempt of Papirius Cursor to condemn to death Fabius, his master of cavalry, and the charges against the Scipios.200 Because these incidents were extreme and noteworthy, they recalled men to order. But when these incidents became more rare, they gave men more s.p.a.ce in which to become corrupt and behave in ways that were dangerous and resulted in turmoil. These extreme incidents should not occur more than ten years apart, because with the pa.s.sing of time men begin to be careless with their customs and to break the law; if nothing occurs to remind them of the punishment and to rekindle fear in their hearts, there will be so many offenders that they can no longer be punished without danger. Because these incidents were extreme and noteworthy, they recalled men to order. But when these incidents became more rare, they gave men more s.p.a.ce in which to become corrupt and behave in ways that were dangerous and resulted in turmoil. These extreme incidents should not occur more than ten years apart, because with the pa.s.sing of time men begin to be careless with their customs and to break the law; if nothing occurs to remind them of the punishment and to rekindle fear in their hearts, there will be so many offenders that they can no longer be punished without danger.

The Medici, who ruled Florence between 1434 and 1494, always said that they had to retake power every five years, otherwise it was difficult to maintain. What they meant by ”retaking power” was instilling in their subjects the kind of fear and terror that the populace had experienced when the Medici first seized power, crus.h.i.+ng those who, in their view, had opposed them. When the memory of such terror fades, men speak out, becoming bold and striving for change.

So it is necessary to make provision to take the state back toward its origins. This can also be achieved by the skill of a single man who is not vulnerable to any law that involves punishment. But this man must be of such standing, and so exemplary, that good men will want to imitate him and bad men will be ashamed of leading a contrary way of life. Horatius Codes, Scaevola, Fabricius, the two Dexii, Regulus Atilius,201 and a few others were Romans of exceptional quality, who by their rare and valiant example had an effect on the state that was almost as powerful as that of the laws and inst.i.tutions. Had these punishments and these exemplary individuals arisen at least every ten years, the inevitable result would have been that Rome would never have become corrupted. But as those punishments and individuals were increasingly few and far between, corruption grew. After Marcus Regulus there were no exemplary individuals, and though Rome had the two Catos, there was such an interval between them and Marcus Regulus, and then between the two Catos themselves, that their example remained isolated and did not have much effect, and a few others were Romans of exceptional quality, who by their rare and valiant example had an effect on the state that was almost as powerful as that of the laws and inst.i.tutions. Had these punishments and these exemplary individuals arisen at least every ten years, the inevitable result would have been that Rome would never have become corrupted. But as those punishments and individuals were increasingly few and far between, corruption grew. After Marcus Regulus there were no exemplary individuals, and though Rome had the two Catos, there was such an interval between them and Marcus Regulus, and then between the two Catos themselves, that their example remained isolated and did not have much effect,202 especially that of the second Cato, who found Rome so corrupted that he could not set the citizens a good example. These instances should suffice as far as republics are concerned. especially that of the second Cato, who found Rome so corrupted that he could not set the citizens a good example. These instances should suffice as far as republics are concerned.

As for sects, we can see from the example of our religion that such renewal is necessary. Had our religion not been drawn back toward its origins by Saint Francis and Saint Dominic,203 it would have died out. These saintly men, with their poverty and their adherence to the example of Christ's life, brought our religion back into the minds of men after it had already died out. Their orders were so powerful that they kept the dishonesty of the prelates and religious leaders from destroying our religion. The friars lived in poverty, but were so trusted by the people in the confessional and in their preaching that they managed to convince the people that it was wrong to speak ill of evil men, and right to live in obedience to the Church: If the men of the church committed sins, it was up to G.o.d to punish them. As a result of this, the men of the Church can be as evil as they wish, because they do not fear a punishment they cannot see and do not believe in. Thus this renewal, begun by Saint Dominic and Saint Francis, has maintained and continues to maintain our religion in the state it is now in. it would have died out. These saintly men, with their poverty and their adherence to the example of Christ's life, brought our religion back into the minds of men after it had already died out. Their orders were so powerful that they kept the dishonesty of the prelates and religious leaders from destroying our religion. The friars lived in poverty, but were so trusted by the people in the confessional and in their preaching that they managed to convince the people that it was wrong to speak ill of evil men, and right to live in obedience to the Church: If the men of the church committed sins, it was up to G.o.d to punish them. As a result of this, the men of the Church can be as evil as they wish, because they do not fear a punishment they cannot see and do not believe in. Thus this renewal, begun by Saint Dominic and Saint Francis, has maintained and continues to maintain our religion in the state it is now in.

Kingdoms also need to renew themselves and take their laws back to their origins. It can be seen what a good effect this had in the Kingdom of France, which lives under laws and inst.i.tutions more than any other kingdom. Its parlements parlements, particularly the Parlement Parlement of Paris, of Paris,204 are the custodians of these laws and inst.i.tutions, which are renewed by them every time they bring a legal action against a prince of that kingdom or condemn the king in their judgments. Until now these are the custodians of these laws and inst.i.tutions, which are renewed by them every time they bring a legal action against a prince of that kingdom or condemn the king in their judgments. Until now these parlements parlements have maintained themselves by being determined enforcers of the law against the n.o.bles, but should they ever have allowed a n.o.bleman's crimes to go unpunished, or such crimes to multiply, they would have ended up having to restore order through great upheaval, and the Kingdom of France would have run the risk of collapsing. have maintained themselves by being determined enforcers of the law against the n.o.bles, but should they ever have allowed a n.o.bleman's crimes to go unpunished, or such crimes to multiply, they would have ended up having to restore order through great upheaval, and the Kingdom of France would have run the risk of collapsing.

In conclusion, therefore, nothing is more vital in a community-whether it be a sect, a kingdom, or a republic-than to give it the status it had in its origins, and to endeavor that this be achieved by good inst.i.tutions or good men, so that the return to origins does not have to be effected by an external force. Even though an external force might sometimes be a perfect remedy as the invasion of the Gauls was for Rome, it is so dangerous that it should at all costs be avoided. To demonstrate how the actions of particular men made Rome great and brought about many good results in that city, I shall proceed to a discussion of them, and with this I shall bring this third book and last part of the Discourses Discourses on Livy to its conclusion. And though the actions of the kings of Rome were great and significant, I shall refrain from discussing them at any length, as history has already done so, and I will mention them only when the kings did something pertaining to their private interests. I shall begin with Brutus, the father of Roman liberty. on Livy to its conclusion. And though the actions of the kings of Rome were great and significant, I shall refrain from discussing them at any length, as history has already done so, and I will mention them only when the kings did something pertaining to their private interests. I shall begin with Brutus, the father of Roman liberty.

193. Setta Setta (sect): here in the sense of a political or religious body. (sect): here in the sense of a political or religious body.194. Machiavelli quotes in Latin the aphorism (probably inspired by the teachings of the Greek physician Galen) Machiavelli quotes in Latin the aphorism (probably inspired by the teachings of the Greek physician Galen) Quod quotidie aggregatur aliquid, quod quandoque indiget curatione Quod quotidie aggregatur aliquid, quod quandoque indiget curatione.195. In 390 In 390 BCE BCE, the Gauls laid siege to Rome, occupying and destroying much of the city before they were finally bought off.196. Livy writes (Book V, chapter 38) that the Roman military tribunes had the army march into battle ”without giving thought to man or G.o.ds, without auspices or sacrificial offerings.” Livy writes (Book V, chapter 38) that the Roman military tribunes had the army march into battle ”without giving thought to man or G.o.ds, without auspices or sacrificial offerings.”197. Latin: ”against the law of nations.” In 391 Latin: ”against the law of nations.” In 391 BCE BCE, Quintus Fabius Ambustus and his two brothers were sent as Roman emissaries to Clusium, which was being besieged by the Gauls. According to Livy, the three brothers violated ”the law of nations” by intervening in the battle and fighting on the side of Clusium. Livy writes (Book V, chapter 36): ”Contrary to the law of nations, the emissaries took up arms, and the Fates began to drive Rome toward its ruin.” Livy writes that the Gauls demanded that the Fabii be delivered to them, but Rome refused, and instead elected the brothers consular tribunes, upon which the Gauls invaded and sacked Rome.198. Marcus Furius Camillus was the legendary Roman general and dictator who had captured Veii. See note 35 to Book I, chapter 8 above. He is also discussed in Book I, chapter 55 above. According to Roman historians, he was again made dictator when the Gauls were sacking Rome, at which point he defeated the Gallic army and recovered Rome's treasury from the Gauls. Marcus Furius Camillus was the legendary Roman general and dictator who had captured Veii. See note 35 to Book I, chapter 8 above. He is also discussed in Book I, chapter 55 above. According to Roman historians, he was again made dictator when the Gauls were sacking Rome, at which point he defeated the Gallic army and recovered Rome's treasury from the Gauls.199. For the killing of the sons of Brutus, see Book I, chapter 16 above, and note 71; also chapter 3 below. The Decemvirs were a legislative commission that was forced to abdicate in 449 For the killing of the sons of Brutus, see Book I, chapter 16 above, and note 71; also chapter 3 below. The Decemvirs were a legislative commission that was forced to abdicate in 449 BCE BCE, when it became too tyrannical. The Decemvirs, however, were exiled, not killed (though according to Livy, two subsequently committed suicide). Spurius Maelius (d. 439 BCE BCE) was a Roman plebeian who bought up a large amount of grain during the famine of 439 and sold it cheaply to the populace. He was then accused of trying to gain popularity to make himself king, and was murdered.200. For Manlius Capitolinus, see Book I, chapter 8 above. During the Roman war against the Latins, Consul t.i.tus Manlius Torquatus (thereafter a symbol of Roman sternness) decreed the execution of his son for having disobeyed the order of not engaging in single battle with the enemy. Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullia.n.u.s had been consul five times, and was dictator in 315. During Lucius Papirius Cursor's term as dictator, Fabius had been victorious in battle against the Samnites, but his disobeying orders led Papirius Cursor to condemn him to death. On the charges against the Scipios, see Book I, chapter 29 above. For Manlius Capitolinus, see Book I, chapter 8 above. During the Roman war against the Latins, Consul t.i.tus Manlius Torquatus (thereafter a symbol of Roman sternness) decreed the execution of his son for having disobeyed the order of not engaging in single battle with the enemy. Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullia.n.u.s had been consul five times, and was dictator in 315. During Lucius Papirius Cursor's term as dictator, Fabius had been victorious in battle against the Samnites, but his disobeying orders led Papirius Cursor to condemn him to death. On the charges against the Scipios, see Book I, chapter 29 above.201. Machiavelli is listing some of the foremost legendary heroes of Rome: In the sixth century Machiavelli is listing some of the foremost legendary heroes of Rome: In the sixth century BCE BCE, Horatius Codes and one other soldier held back the entire Etruscan army at the Sublician bridge by Rome, and Gaius Mucius Scaevola had demonstrated his courage before the Etruscan king by placing his hand in an altar fire until it burned, after which the king withdrew his forces from Rome. In the third century BCE BCE, the statesman Gaius Fabricius Luscinus was regarded as a model of incorruptible Roman virtue, and Marcus Atilius Regulus as a model of heroic endurance.202. Cato the Censor (234149 Cato the Censor (234149 BCE BCE). Marcus Porcius Cato (9546 BCE BCE), Cato the Younger, was the great-grandson of Cato the Censor. He was one of the foremost statesmen fighting to preserve the Roman Republic.203. In the early thirteenth century, Saint Francis of a.s.sisi founded the Franciscan Order, and Saint Dominic the Dominican Order. In the early thirteenth century, Saint Francis of a.s.sisi founded the Franciscan Order, and Saint Dominic the Dominican Order.204. See note 77 on page 73. See note 77 on page 73.

CHAPTER TWO.

ON HOW WISE IT IS AT TIMES TO FEIGN FOOLISHNESS.

No man was ever so prudent or thought so wise for an exceptional action as Junius Brutus deserves to be for pretending to be a fool. Livy mentions only one reason that induced Junius Brutus to feign idiocy: to live more securely and maintain his patrimony205 Yet if one considers the progression of his actions, one might conclude that Junius Brutus did this in order to be less conspicuous and have a better prospect of toppling the king and freeing Rome when the opportunity arose. That this was on his mind becomes apparent from Junius Brutus's interpretation of the oracle of Apollo, when he pretended to fall down so that he could kiss the earth, believing that by doing this the G.o.ds would favor his designs. Yet if one considers the progression of his actions, one might conclude that Junius Brutus did this in order to be less conspicuous and have a better prospect of toppling the king and freeing Rome when the opportunity arose. That this was on his mind becomes apparent from Junius Brutus's interpretation of the oracle of Apollo, when he pretended to fall down so that he could kiss the earth, believing that by doing this the G.o.ds would favor his designs.206 Later Junius stood over the dead Lucretia in the presence of her father, her husband, and other of her relatives, and was the first to pull the knife from her wound, making those present swear that they would never consent to any king's reigning over Rome again. Later Junius stood over the dead Lucretia in the presence of her father, her husband, and other of her relatives, and was the first to pull the knife from her wound, making those present swear that they would never consent to any king's reigning over Rome again.207 Those who are dissatisfied with a prince can learn from Junius's example. But they must first measure and weigh their own strength, and if they are powerful enough to reveal themselves to their enemy and wage open war, they must follow his course as the least dangerous and most honorable. But if they do not have sufficient power to wage open war they must do their utmost to make their enemy their friend, doing whatever they judge necessary, finding pleasure in everything in which the prince finds pleasure, and taking delight in all the things that they see delight him. Such intimacy will, first of all, enable one to live in security. Without running any danger you can enjoy the prince's good fortune at his side, and furthermore you will have every opportunity to achieve your ends. It is true some will say that you should not stand so close to a prince that his ruin will drag you down with him, nor at such a distance that you will be unable to capitalize on his ruin. Of course the middle course would be best-that is, if a middle course were possible-but as I believe it to be impossible, I suggest following one of the two methods I have just mentioned, either distancing oneself from the prince or drawing closer to him. He who does otherwise, even if he is a man of notable qualities, will live in constant danger. Nor is it enough for him to proclaim: ”I want no honors, no gains, I want to live quietly and without care!” Such excuses are heard, but not believed. Nor can a man of standing choose to step back in such a manner. Even if he is sincere in wis.h.i.+ng to live without ambition, n.o.body would believe him. Consequently, even if he does wish to live in that manner, others will not allow it. It is therefore advisable to play the fool as Junius Brutus did, and one can look quite the fool when one praises, discusses, and does things contrary to one's nature and way of thinking just to please a prince. As I have spoken of Junius's wisdom in how he recovered liberty for Rome, I shall now speak of his severity in maintaining it.

205. Livy writes (Book I, chapter 56): ”Lucius Junius Brutus, the son of Tarquinia, the king's sister, was a young man very different in intelligence from the dullard he pretended to be. For since his uncle had killed the leading men of the state, including his own brother, he decided to leave nothing in his person for the king to fear or in his possessions for him to covet. Safety lay in being an object of scorn.” Livy writes (Book I, chapter 56): ”Lucius Junius Brutus, the son of Tarquinia, the king's sister, was a young man very different in intelligence from the dullard he pretended to be. For since his uncle had killed the leading men of the state, including his own brother, he decided to leave nothing in his person for the king to fear or in his possessions for him to covet. Safety lay in being an object of scorn.”206. According to Livy, King Tarquin had sent his sons t.i.tus and Aruns to consult the oracle at Delphi to interpret a dire omen. Junius Brutus had accompanied them ”as a figure of fun.” The king's sons also asked the oracle who would be the next king of Rome, to which the oracle replied that he who kissed his mother first would be king. Livy writes (Book I, chapter 56): ”But Brutus thought the Pythia's words meant something quite different. Pretending to slip, he fell to the ground and pressed his lips to the earth, the mother of us all.” According to Livy, King Tarquin had sent his sons t.i.tus and Aruns to consult the oracle at Delphi to interpret a dire omen. Junius Brutus had accompanied them ”as a figure of fun.” The king's sons also asked the oracle who would be the next king of Rome, to which the oracle replied that he who kissed his mother first would be king. Livy writes (Book I, chapter 56): ”But Brutus thought the Pythia's words meant something quite different. Pretending to slip, he fell to the ground and pressed his lips to the earth, the mother of us all.”207. s.e.xtus Tarquinius, the king's son, raped Lucretia, who subsequently called together the men of her family, and, informing them of what had happened, killed herself. Livy describes the scene in Book I, chapter 59. s.e.xtus Tarquinius, the king's son, raped Lucretia, who subsequently called together the men of her family, and, informing them of what had happened, killed herself. Livy describes the scene in Book I, chapter 59.

CHAPTER THREE.

ON HOW, IF ONE WANTS TO MAINTAIN A NEWLY GAINED LIBERTY, ONE MUST KILL THE SONS OF B BRUTUS.

Junius Brutus's severity was as necessary as it was expedient in maintaining the liberty he had just gained for Rome. His example is most rare in recorded history: a father sitting in judgment over his sons, and not only condemning them to death but also being present at their execution.208 Those who read about ancient matters will always see that after a state has changed from a republic to a tyranny or from a tyranny to a republic, a memorable action is needed against the enemies of the new state. The ruler who chooses a tyranny and does not kill Brutus, or who chooses a republic and does not kill the sons of Brutus, will not hold power for long. As I have already discussed this at length I will say no more on the subject, except to offer one memorable example from our times and our city of Florence. Piero Soderini believed wrongly that with goodness and patience he could overcome the appet.i.te of the sons of Brutus for returning to power under a new government. Those who read about ancient matters will always see that after a state has changed from a republic to a tyranny or from a tyranny to a republic, a memorable action is needed against the enemies of the new state. The ruler who chooses a tyranny and does not kill Brutus, or who chooses a republic and does not kill the sons of Brutus, will not hold power for long. As I have already discussed this at length I will say no more on the subject, except to offer one memorable example from our times and our city of Florence. Piero Soderini believed wrongly that with goodness and patience he could overcome the appet.i.te of the sons of Brutus for returning to power under a new government.209 Soderini was wise enough to be aware of the need to act, and furthermore Fortune and the ambition of his enemies gave him every opportunity to eliminate them. Yet he never took action, because he believed he could extinguish such evil humors with goodness and patience and by bestowing gifts and rewards on some of his enemies, thus eliminating a part of their enmity. Furthermore, Soderini felt-as he often confided to his friends-that if he had chosen to counter his opponents with open force and had crushed them, he would have had to a.s.sume illegal power and sweep aside the laws of equal rights among citizens. Even if Soderini had subsequently not made use of his power tyrannically, his actions would have dismayed the people of Florence to such an extent that after he died they would never again have wanted to elect a Gonfalonier for life, an office that Soderini wanted to build up and perpetuate. In this sense, Soderini's aspirations were wise and good. And yet one must never let evil progress for the sake of something good when that good can easily be usurped by the evil. While Fortune and life were his, Soderini should have believed that his works would be judged by their result, and it would have been an easy thing for him to persuade everyone that what he had done was for the good of Florence and not for his own advancement. He could have arranged things in such a way that his successor would not have been able to do for the sake of evil what Soderini had done for the sake of good. But he was deceived in his idea of being able to rely on goodness and patience to extinguish the evil humors in his state, not realizing that evil cannot be tamed by time, nor placated by any gift. Consequently, unable to be like Junius Brutus, he lost his state, his rule, and his standing. That it is as difficult to save a free state as to save a kingdom I shall demonstrate in the following chapter. Soderini was wise enough to be aware of the need to act, and furthermore Fortune and the ambition of his enemies gave him every opportunity to eliminate them. Yet he never took action, because he believed he could extinguish such evil humors with goodness and patience and by bestowing gifts and rewards on some of his enemies, thus eliminating a part of their enmity. Furthermore, Soderini felt-as he often confided to his friends-that if he had chosen to counter his opponents with open force and had crushed them, he would have had to a.s.sume illegal power and sweep aside the laws of equal rights among citizens. Even if Soderini had subsequently not made use of his power tyrannically, his actions would have dismayed the people of Florence to such an extent that after he died they would never again have wanted to elect a Gonfalonier for life, an office that Soderini wanted to build up and perpetuate. In this sense, Soderini's aspirations were wise and good. And yet one must never let evil progress for the sake of something good when that good can easily be usurped by the evil. While Fortune and life were his, Soderini should have believed that his works would be judged by their result, and it would have been an easy thing for him to persuade everyone that what he had done was for the good of Florence and not for his own advancement. He could have arranged things in such a way that his successor would not have been able to do for the sake of evil what Soderini had done for the sake of good. But he was deceived in his idea of being able to rely on goodness and patience to extinguish the evil humors in his state, not realizing that evil cannot be tamed by time, nor placated by any gift. Consequently, unable to be like Junius Brutus, he lost his state, his rule, and his standing. That it is as difficult to save a free state as to save a kingdom I shall demonstrate in the following chapter.

208. See Book I, chapter 16 above. Livy (Book II, chapter 5): ”The traitors were condemned to death, and what was extraordinary was that the consuls imposed on a father the duty of punis.h.i.+ng his own children. The father who should not even have been present at the execution, was made by Fortuna to carry it out.” See Book I, chapter 16 above. Livy (Book II, chapter 5): ”The traitors were condemned to death, and what was extraordinary was that the consuls imposed on a father the duty of punis.h.i.+ng his own children. The father who should not even have been present at the execution, was made by Fortuna to carry it out.”209. In 1502 Piero Soderini had been elected Gonfalonier for life in Florence. Soderini was Machiavelli's patron. By ”the sons of Brutus” Machiavelli means the Medici, who were the former and subsequent rulers of Florence, as Soderini was deposed by them in 1512. In 1502 Piero Soderini had been elected Gonfalonier for life in Florence. Soderini was Machiavelli's patron. By ”the sons of Brutus” Machiavelli means the Medici, who were the former and subsequent rulers of Florence, as Soderini was deposed by them in 1512.