Part 3 (2/2)
CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX.
AN EXHORTATION TO FREE I ITALY FROM THE BARBARIANS.
I have given much thought to all the matters I have discussed until now, and have asked myself whether the time is ripe for Italy to greet a new prince, to offer to a prudent and skillful man the prospect of forging a government that would bring him honor and benefit all Italy. So many things have come together that are favorable to a new prince that I believe there has never been a more auspicious time. As I have already said, the people of Israel had to be slaves in Egypt so that the qualities of Moses would come to the fore, and for the Medes to oppress the Persians for the greatness of Cyrus to become apparent, and for the Athenians to be dispersed so that Theseus could demonstrate his skill. In the same way, that we may see the prowess of an Italian prince, it has been necessary for Italy to be reduced to the state it is in at present: more enslaved than the Jews, more in bondage than the Persians, more dispersed than the Athenians, without a leader, without order, beaten, plundered, flayed, overrun, exposed to all manner of adversity.
We have had occasional glimmers of hope that led us to believe that a certain man might have been ordained by G.o.d to bring redemption to Italy, but then we saw him rejected by Fortune at the pinnacle of his success.94 And so Italy has lain prostrate, waiting for a savior who would heal her wounds and put an end to the plundering of Lombardy and the taxation of Naples and Tuscany a savior who would cure her sores that have been festering for so long. How she prays to G.o.d to send someone to save her from the barbaric cruelty and violence! How ardent and eager she is to follow a banner, if only there were someone who would raise it high. Italy has one hope, and that hope is Your ill.u.s.trious House with its Fortune and prowess, a House of which You are now the prince favored by G.o.d and Church! And so Italy has lain prostrate, waiting for a savior who would heal her wounds and put an end to the plundering of Lombardy and the taxation of Naples and Tuscany a savior who would cure her sores that have been festering for so long. How she prays to G.o.d to send someone to save her from the barbaric cruelty and violence! How ardent and eager she is to follow a banner, if only there were someone who would raise it high. Italy has one hope, and that hope is Your ill.u.s.trious House with its Fortune and prowess, a House of which You are now the prince favored by G.o.d and Church!95 Saving Italy would not be an insurmountable task if You kept before Your eyes the examples of Moses, Cyrus, and Theseus. Though they were extraordinary men, they were mere mortals, and they had less favorable prospects than those that Italy offers. Their campaigns were not more righteous, nor was their lot easier, nor did G.o.d look upon them with more benevolence than He looks upon You. There is great justice in our enterprise: ”The only war that is just is one that is compulsory, and weapons righteous when there is no hope but in weapons.” Saving Italy would not be an insurmountable task if You kept before Your eyes the examples of Moses, Cyrus, and Theseus. Though they were extraordinary men, they were mere mortals, and they had less favorable prospects than those that Italy offers. Their campaigns were not more righteous, nor was their lot easier, nor did G.o.d look upon them with more benevolence than He looks upon You. There is great justice in our enterprise: ”The only war that is just is one that is compulsory, and weapons righteous when there is no hope but in weapons.”96 [Iustum enim est bellum quibus necessarium, et pia arma ubi nulla nisi in armis spes est] [Iustum enim est bellum quibus necessarium, et pia arma ubi nulla nisi in armis spes est] Circ.u.mstances are most favorable, and there cannot be great difficulty where circ.u.mstances are so favorable, as long as the House of Medici follows the models I have put forward. And we have seen extraordinary and unprecedented signs from G.o.d: the sea parting, a cloud showing the way, water pouring from a stone, manna raining from heaven. Everything has concurred for Your greatness. You must do the rest, for G.o.d does not want to do everything, lest he take from us our free will and that part of the glory that belongs to us. Circ.u.mstances are most favorable, and there cannot be great difficulty where circ.u.mstances are so favorable, as long as the House of Medici follows the models I have put forward. And we have seen extraordinary and unprecedented signs from G.o.d: the sea parting, a cloud showing the way, water pouring from a stone, manna raining from heaven. Everything has concurred for Your greatness. You must do the rest, for G.o.d does not want to do everything, lest he take from us our free will and that part of the glory that belongs to us.
One need not marvel that none of the Italians I have mentioned has been able to achieve what one hopes Your ill.u.s.trious House will achieve. If it seems that our military prowess has been exhausted in so many upheavals and so many campaigns of war here in Italy, this is because Italy's old military inst.i.tutions were not good and because there was n.o.body who was able to foster new ones. Nothing brings so much honor to a man who emerges as a new prince as the new laws and new inst.i.tutions he creates, and when these have a sound foundation and greatness, they bring him esteem and admiration. Here in Italy there is ample matter that one can form: There is great spirit in the populace, even if it has been lacking in the leaders. Consider our duels and skirmishes, and you will see how the Italian is superior in strength, skill, and ingenuity. But when it comes to armies, the Italians have not shown themselves in the best light. All this goes back to the weakness of our commanders, because the finest among them are not followed, as every commander wants to go his own way. Until now there has been no one who has distinguished himself enough in skill or Fortune for the others to cede to him. The result has been that in the wars fought over the past twenty years, all the armies made up entirely of Italians have fared badly: the battles at Taro, Alexandria, Capua, Genoa, Vaila, Bologna, and Mestri all bear witness to this.
If Your ill.u.s.trious House wishes to follow the excellent Moses, Cyrus, and Theseus who redeemed their lands, it will be vital above all else, as a true foundation of every campaign, to furnish yourself with an army of your own men. You will not find soldiers who are better, more faithful, or more true. Every man among them will be good, and all together they will become even better once they are commanded by their own prince and are honored and treated well by him. It is necessary, therefore, to create such an army, so one can defend oneself with Italian prowess from a foreign enemy. Even though the Swiss and the Spanish infantries are considered formidable, they both have shortcomings, which is why an army that is structured differently could not only match them on the field but be confident of defeating them. This is because the Spanish cannot stand up to a cavalry, and the Swiss to an infantry that is as fierce in battle as they are. Experience has shown and will show again that the Spaniards cannot stand up to the French cavalry, and the Swiss cannot stand up to a Spanish infantry, and though there is no actual proof of the latter, some evidence of it was seen in the Battle of Ravenna, when the Spanish infantry came face to face with the German battalions, which are set up along the same lines as the Swiss. In this battle, the Spaniards with their agility and their bucklers had cut through the German pikes and were primed to destroy the Germans, who were caught completely unawares. Had the cavalry not come to their rescue, the Germans would all have been killed. Hence, if one knows the weakness in the Spanish and Swiss infantries, one should create a new infantry that can resist the cavalry and not be intimidated by other infantries. This will be made possible by the type of arms furnished to the new infantry and a change in its disposition. It is these things which, newly organized, will bring prestige and greatness to a new prince.
This opportunity must be grasped. Italy, after so many years, must welcome its liberator. The love with which these lands that have suffered a flood of foreign armies will receive him will be boundless, as will be their thirst for vengeance, their iron loyalty, their devotion and tears. All doors will be flung open. What populace would not embrace such a leader? What envy would oppose him, what Italian withhold respect? For all here abhor the barbarian dominion. Your ill.u.s.trious House must seize this matter with the kind of spirit and hope in which righteous tasks are seized, so that Italy shall be enn.o.bled beneath its banners and under its auspices the words of Petrarch will come true: Prowess shall take up arms Against brutality, and the battle will be swift; For ancient Roman bravery Is not yet dead in Italian hearts.9794. Almost certainly a reference to Cesare Borgia. Almost certainly a reference to Cesare Borgia.95. The House of Medici. The House of Medici.96. A slightly altered quotation from Livy, Book IX, chapter 1: A slightly altered quotation from Livy, Book IX, chapter 1: Iustum est bellum, Samnites, quibus necessarium, et pia arma, quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes Iustum est bellum, Samnites, quibus necessarium, et pia arma, quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes. [A war is just, Samnites, when it is compulsory, and weapons righteous when there is no hope except in weapons.]97. Virtu contro a furore/Prendera l'arme, e fia el combatter corto;/Che l'antico valore/Nell'italici cor non e ancor morto Virtu contro a furore/Prendera l'arme, e fia el combatter corto;/Che l'antico valore/Nell'italici cor non e ancor morto.
Selections from THE D DISCOURSES.
Machiavelli wrote Discourses on the First Ten Books of t.i.tus Livius Discourses on the First Ten Books of t.i.tus Livius during his years of exile from Florentine politics, between 1512 and 1519. The work was published posthumously in 1531, one year before during his years of exile from Florentine politics, between 1512 and 1519. The work was published posthumously in 1531, one year before The Prince. The Prince. If If The Prince The Prince was a treatise on the ideal autocratic ruler was a treatise on the ideal autocratic ruler, The Discourses are a vigorous championing of a republican form of government. Artists of the Renaissance looked to ancient Rome for inspiration in painting, sculpture, and literature, but are a vigorous championing of a republican form of government. Artists of the Renaissance looked to ancient Rome for inspiration in painting, sculpture, and literature, but The Discourses, The Discourses, despite taking Roman historian Livy as their point of departure, are extremely original. In them Machiavelli proposes for the first time a pragmatic study of Roman history, inst.i.tutions, and politics, in search of guidance that would lead Renaissance Italy out of its dangerous and chaotic political conditions despite taking Roman historian Livy as their point of departure, are extremely original. In them Machiavelli proposes for the first time a pragmatic study of Roman history, inst.i.tutions, and politics, in search of guidance that would lead Renaissance Italy out of its dangerous and chaotic political conditions.
The Discourses are divided into three books, which are themselves divided into 142 chapters are divided into three books, which are themselves divided into 142 chapters-mirroring the 142 books of Livy's Histories. Histories.
NICCOLO M MACHIAVELLI TO TO Z ZAn.o.bI B BUONDELMONTI AND AND C COSIMO R RUCELLAI, GREETINGS1.
I am sending you a gift which, though it might not correspond to the obligations I owe to you, is without doubt the greatest gift that Niccolo Machiavelli can send you. In it I have gathered all that I know and have learned from my long experience and constant reading about the affairs of the world. No one can ask more of me, and no one can complain that I have not given more. You might be disappointed by the meagerness of my intelligence when what I narrate is weak, or when my judgment is erroneous, or when I may be mistaken in points of reasoning. And yet I am not sure whether you or I have more cause to be obliged to the other: I to you, who have compelled me to write what I would never have written of my own accord, or you to me, who in my writing have fallen short of your expectations. So I hope that you will accept this gift in the spirit in which all things are accepted by friends, where the intention of the giver is more important than the quality of the thing given. But the one satisfaction I have is that though my narration might be mistaken in many of its details, the one detail in which I have definitely not erred is in choosing you above all others to whom to address these Discourses Discourses, for in addressing them to you I feel that I am showing grat.i.tude for the benefits I have received. Furthermore, I believe I have managed to avoid the usual practice of writers, who, blinded by ambition or covetousness, dedicate their works to a prince, praising him as if he had every commendable quality when they ought to condemn him for having every shameful attribute. So as to avoid this error I have not chosen those who are princes, but those who have the kind of infinite good qualities that make them worthy to be princes; not those who could heap rank, honors, and wealth on me, but those who would do so if they had the means. Men who want to judge others properly must esteem those who are generous, not those who can be generous-those who know how to rule, not those who rule even though they do not know how. Historians praise Hiero of Syracuse more when he was a private citizen than they do Perseus of Macedon when he was king: because all Hiero was missing to be a prince was a princ.i.p.ality, while the only kingly attribute that Perseus of Macedon had was a kingdom.2 Therefore I hope you will enjoy this good or bad work that you yourselves have requested from me, and should you be misguided enough to find these ideas of mine pleasing, I will not refrain from sending you the rest, as I have promised. Farewell. Therefore I hope you will enjoy this good or bad work that you yourselves have requested from me, and should you be misguided enough to find these ideas of mine pleasing, I will not refrain from sending you the rest, as I have promised. Farewell.
1. Zan.o.bi Buondelmonti (14911527) and Cosimo Rucellai (14951519) were young Florentine intellectuals with whom Machiavelli had frequent discussions in the Orti Oricellari, which were the gardens of the Palazzo Rucellai, the magnificent palace belonging to Cosimo's family. Zan.o.bi Buondelmonti (14911527) and Cosimo Rucellai (14951519) were young Florentine intellectuals with whom Machiavelli had frequent discussions in the Orti Oricellari, which were the gardens of the Palazzo Rucellai, the magnificent palace belonging to Cosimo's family.2. Hiero II of Syracuse (d. 216 Hiero II of Syracuse (d. 216 BCE BCE). See also The Prince The Prince, chapter 6, in which Machiavelli quotes a slightly altered line from Justin referring to Hiero as having ”lacked nothing to make him a ruler except a kingdom.” Also Polybius, in Histories Histories (Book I, chapter 8), describes Hiero as always having had ”a nature ideal for kings.h.i.+p and the administration of a state.” Perseus of Macedon (d. c. 165 (Book I, chapter 8), describes Hiero as always having had ”a nature ideal for kings.h.i.+p and the administration of a state.” Perseus of Macedon (d. c. 165 BCE BCE) was the last king of Macedonia. Plutarch writes in Parallel Lives Parallel Lives (Aemilius Paulus, 8) that Perseus, though a king, ”was incapable of carrying out his designs, as he lacked courage and had a brutal nature that was beset by faults and diseases, among which greed was foremost.” (Aemilius Paulus, 8) that Perseus, though a king, ”was incapable of carrying out his designs, as he lacked courage and had a brutal nature that was beset by faults and diseases, among which greed was foremost.”
BOOK I.
PREFACE.
Because of the envious nature of man, it has always been more perilous to establish new systems and inst.i.tutions than to seek out new lands and seas, because men are more eager to blame than to praise the actions of others. Nevertheless, driven by the natural desire I have always had to work without fear on things that I believe bring a common benefit to everyone, I have decided to set out on an untrodden path. I am aware that this might bring me trouble and hards.h.i.+p, though it might also bring rewards from men who will view the result of these efforts with kindness. If my meager talent, my scant experience of present things, and my weak knowledge of ancient things make this attempt imperfect and of little use, they will at least open the way for someone with greater skill, eloquence, and judgment to carry out my intention, which, if it does not deserve praise, should at least not deserve blame.
Consider how much honor is attributed to antiquity. To cite just one example, think how often a man will buy a fragment of an ancient statue at a great price just to have it near him, to honor his house and have it imitated by those who delight in this art and are then compelled to replicate it in all their works. But when I consider the most skillful actions that the histories show us, actions accomplished in ancient republics and kingdoms by kings, generals, citizens, legislators, and others who strove to benefit their native land, I see that those actions are admired rather than imitated-or, I should say, they are avoided in every way. Indeed, no trace remains of that ancient process. I can only be amazed and saddened at the same time. So much more so when I see in the civil disputes that arise between citizens, or in the illnesses to which men succ.u.mb, that we always turn to the decrees and remedies that the ancients p.r.o.nounced or prescribed: because civil laws are nothing more than the decrees p.r.o.nounced by ancient jurisprudents, which, categorized, teach our present jurisprudents to judge. Nor is medicine anything more than experiments undertaken by ancient doctors on which present doctors base their diagnoses. And yet not a single prince or republic turns to the examples of the ancients for the organization of the state, the maintaining of states, the governing of kingdoms, the organization of an army, the conduct of war, the pa.s.sing of judgment on their subjects, or the expansion of their dominion. This arises not so much from the weakness to which our present religion has brought the world,3 or the ill that single-minded idleness has wreaked on many Christian provinces and cities, as from not having a true understanding of history. Reading the histories, we do not extract the meaning that is in them, nor do we relish the flavor they contain. The result is that countless people who read the histories take pleasure in the range of incidents they portray without thinking of imitating them, as they believe such imitation to be not only difficult, but impossible. As if the sky, the sun, the elements, and mankind had changed their motion, order, and power from what they had been in antiquity. Wis.h.i.+ng to free men from this error, I have deemed it necessary to write these discourses on all the books of Livy that have survived the ravages of time, explaining, with my knowledge of ancient and modern things, whatever I deem necessary for better understanding these books, so that readers of my discourses can take from them more easily what is necessary to understand history. Even though this undertaking is difficult, with the help of those who have encouraged me to bear this burden, I trust I will carry it far enough toward the destined place so that another might have to travel only a short distance. or the ill that single-minded idleness has wreaked on many Christian provinces and cities, as from not having a true understanding of history. Reading the histories, we do not extract the meaning that is in them, nor do we relish the flavor they contain. The result is that countless people who read the histories take pleasure in the range of incidents they portray without thinking of imitating them, as they believe such imitation to be not only difficult, but impossible. As if the sky, the sun, the elements, and mankind had changed their motion, order, and power from what they had been in antiquity. Wis.h.i.+ng to free men from this error, I have deemed it necessary to write these discourses on all the books of Livy that have survived the ravages of time, explaining, with my knowledge of ancient and modern things, whatever I deem necessary for better understanding these books, so that readers of my discourses can take from them more easily what is necessary to understand history. Even though this undertaking is difficult, with the help of those who have encouraged me to bear this burden, I trust I will carry it far enough toward the destined place so that another might have to travel only a short distance.
3. Machiavelli develops his argument of how Christianity brought weakness to the world in Book II, chapter 2: ”Ancient religion only beatified men who were filled with worldly glory, such as generals and princes, while our religion glorifies men who are humble and contemplative rather than men of action. Our religion also places the highest value on humility, debas.e.m.e.nt, and disdain for worldly matters, while ancient religion placed the highest value on greatness of spirit, strength of body, and everything that makes men strong.” Machiavelli develops his argument of how Christianity brought weakness to the world in Book II, chapter 2: ”Ancient religion only beatified men who were filled with worldly glory, such as generals and princes, while our religion glorifies men who are humble and contemplative rather than men of action. Our religion also places the highest value on humility, debas.e.m.e.nt, and disdain for worldly matters, while ancient religion placed the highest value on greatness of spirit, strength of body, and everything that makes men strong.”
CHAPTER ONE.
ON THE ORIGINS OF CITIES IN GENERAL, AND R ROME IN PARTICULAR.
Those who read about the origin of the city of Rome, its legislators, and how it was organized will not be surprised that so much excellence was sustained for so many centuries in that city, nor that Rome later managed to gain such an empire. As I would first like to discuss Rome's origins, I propose that all cities are built either by men born where the city was built, or by foreigners. The former case occurs when people live dispersed in many small communities and do not feel that they are living in safety, because, owing to the locations of these communities and the small number of people living in each, they cannot on their own resist the force of those who attack them. Nor can they unite in time to defend themselves once the enemy has arrived. (And even if they did manage to unite, they would be forced to abandon many of their refuges and so fall easy prey to their enemies.) To escape these dangers, the people living in these scattered communities unite either spontaneously or because they are stirred by one among them who is prominent in authority, and settle together in a single place more suitable to live in and easier to defend.
Athens and Venice are two examples among many of such cities. Athens was built under the authority of Theseus by inhabitants who had been living in dispersed communities.4 In the case of Venice, many people gathered on the little islands at the head of the Adriatic Sea in order to escape the wars that after the decline of the Roman Empire raged every day in Italy with the arrival of new waves of barbarians. These first Venetians gathered without a prince to govern them, with the intention of living under laws that seemed most apt to sustain them. This succeeded only because of the long period of peace that their situation on the islands afforded them, as the sea had no harbor and the peoples attacking Italy did not have boats with which to overrun the islands. Thus the most modest beginning was enough to lead the Venetians to the greatness they have achieved. In the case of Venice, many people gathered on the little islands at the head of the Adriatic Sea in order to escape the wars that after the decline of the Roman Empire raged every day in Italy with the arrival of new waves of barbarians. These first Venetians gathered without a prince to govern them, with the intention of living under laws that seemed most apt to sustain them. This succeeded only because of the long period of peace that their situation on the islands afforded them, as the sea had no harbor and the peoples attacking Italy did not have boats with which to overrun the islands. Thus the most modest beginning was enough to lead the Venetians to the greatness they have achieved.
The second case, when foreigners build a city, involves either free men or men who depend on others. Such are the colonies sent out by republics or princes either to relieve their lands of overpopulation or to defend a land that has been newly acquired, and they want to do this securely and without expense. The Romans built many such cities throughout their empire. Such cities were built by a prince, not for him to live in, but for his glory, as Alexandria was built by Alexander the Great. Since these cities do not have a free beginning, they rarely make much progress or grow to be counted among the capitals of an empire. This was the case with the building of Florence. It was founded by the soldiers of Sulla, or possibly by the inhabitants of the mountains of Fiesole, who, rea.s.sured by the long period of peace under Emperor Augustus, came down to live on the plain above the Arno River. But since Florence was built under the Roman Empire, it could not initially grow except at the pleasure of the emperor.
The builders of cities are free when a populace, either under a prince or of their own accord, are forced by disease, hunger, or war to abandon their native land and look for a new place to live. Such a populace will settle in cities that they find in the lands they acquire, as Moses did, or build new cities, as Aeneas did.5 In such cases we know the skill of the builder and the fate of what he built, a fate more or less happy depending on the extent of its founder's skill. His skill can be distinguished first by the site he has chosen, and second by the organization of the laws. Man acts either by necessity or by choice, and it is recognized that he shows greater skill where there is less choice. Hence the question arises whether it is not better to choose a barren site to found a city, so that its inhabitants are forced to work hard and are less beset by idleness, and therefore live in harmony. This way, the barrenness of the site gives them less cause for discord. This was the case in Ragusa In such cases we know the skill of the builder and the fate of what he built, a fate more or less happy depending on the extent of its founder's skill. His skill can be distinguished first by the site he has chosen, and second by the organization of the laws. Man acts either by necessity or by choice, and it is recognized that he shows greater skill where there is less choice. Hence the question arises whether it is not better to choose a barren site to found a city, so that its inhabitants are forced to work hard and are less beset by idleness, and therefore live in harmony. This way, the barrenness of the site gives them less cause for discord. This was the case in Ragusa6 and many other cities built in similar places. Such a choice would without doubt be wiser and more advantageous if men were content to live from their own resources and not seek to control those of others. But as men can secure themselves only with power, it is necessary to avoid barren terrain and settle in the most fertile regions, where the fercundity of the land allows them to multiply so that they can defend themselves from those who attack and subjugate those who challenge their prosperity. As for the idleness such a site might inspire in its inhabitants, one must organize things in such a way that any hards.h.i.+p not imposed by the site will be imposed by the laws. One must imitate those wise men who have lived in lands that were most pleasant and fertile, lands likely to produce indolent men unfit for any effective military activity. To remedy the shortcomings which the pleasantness of the land would have caused to make men indolent, rulers who are wise have made military training obligatory for men who are to become soldiers. As a result, they became better soldiers than the men of those states that were naturally rough and barren. Among the pleasant countries was the kingdom of the Egyptians, and many other cities built in similar places. Such a choice would without doubt be wiser and more advantageous if men were content to live from their own resources and not seek to control those of others. But as men can secure themselves only with power, it is necessary to avoid barren terrain and settle in the most fertile regions, where the fercundity of the land allows them to multiply so that they can defend themselves from those who attack and subjugate those who challenge their prosperity. As for the idleness such a site might inspire in its inhabitants, one must organize things in such a way that any hards.h.i.+p not imposed by the site will be imposed by the laws. One must imitate those wise men who have lived in lands that were most pleasant and fertile, lands likely to produce indolent men unfit for any effective military activity. To remedy the shortcomings which the pleasantness of the land would have caused to make men indolent, rulers who are wise have made military training obligatory for men who are to become soldiers. As a result, they became better soldiers than the men of those states that were naturally rough and barren. Among the pleasant countries was the kingdom of the Egyptians,7 which, despite its land being most abundant, had laws that imposed the kinds of hards.h.i.+p that produce excellent men. Had their names not been lost in the ravages of time, they would have merited more praise than Alexander the Great and many others whose memory is still fresh. And whoever considers the Egyptian sultanate and the inst.i.tutions of the Mamluks and of their army before the Grand Turk, Sultan Selim, destroyed them which, despite its land being most abundant, had laws that imposed the kinds of hards.h.i.+p that produce excellent men. Had their names not been lost in the ravages of time, they would have merited more praise than Alexander the Great and many others whose memory is still fresh. And whoever considers the Egyptian sultanate and the inst.i.tutions of the Mamluks and of their army before the Grand Turk, Sultan Selim, destroyed them8 would have seen the prodigious training that was imposed on soldiers, and would have seen how they shunned the indolence that the mildness of the land might have induced had they not avoided it by means of the strictest laws. would have seen the prodigious training that was imposed on soldiers, and would have seen how they shunned the indolence that the mildness of the land might have induced had they not avoided it by means of the strictest laws.
I propose, therefore, that it is more prudent to settle a fertile place when this fertility can be subjugated to the laws. The architect Dinocrates rates had gone to Alexander, who wanted to build a city to his glory, and shown him how he could build it on top of Mount Athos, a place that was secure and that could also be constructed to represent a human form. This would have been a most wonderful and rare thing, worthy of Alexander's greatness; but when Alexander asked Dinocrates how the inhabitants would live, he replied that he had not thought of that. Alexander laughed, and casting aside Mount Athos had Alexandria built on a site where men would gladly want to live because of the abundance of the land and the convenience of the Nile and the sea.9 So whoever examines the building of Rome, if he takes Aeneas as its founding father, will regard it as one of the cities built by foreigners, and if he takes the founder to be Romulus,10 a city built by men born in that place. In either case, he will regard it as having had a free beginning without being dependent on anyone. He will also see, as I will discuss further on in my discourses, how much hards.h.i.+p was imposed on the city by the laws made by Romulus, Numa, a city built by men born in that place. In either case, he will regard it as having had a free beginning without being dependent on anyone. He will also see, as I will discuss further on in my discourses, how much hards.h.i.+p was imposed on the city by the laws made by Romulus, Numa,11 and the other early rulers, so that the fertility of the place, the convenience of the sea, the frequent victories, and the greatness of the empire did not manage to corrupt it for many centuries, maintaining it in more glory than any other city or state was ever adorned with. and the other early rulers, so that the fertility of the place, the convenience of the sea, the frequent victories, and the greatness of the empire did not manage to corrupt it for many centuries, maintaining it in more glory than any other city or state was ever adorned with.
And because the things accomplished by Rome and which are celebrated by Livy came about either through private or public decisions, either inside or outside the city, I will begin my discussion with the matters that occurred within the city and by public decision. I believe these merit more comment, and will add to them everything dependent on them. With these discourses I will end this first book, or rather this first part.
4. According to Greek myth, the legendary king and hero Theseus, after fighting the Minotaur in the labyrinth in Crete, had united the scattered communities of Attica into a single Athenian state. According to Greek myth, the legendary king and hero Theseus, after fighting the Minotaur in the labyrinth in Crete, had united the scattered communities of Attica into a single Athenian state.5. In Machiavelli's interpretation, Moses, after leading the Israelites out of Egypt, sought towns to settle in, whereas the Trojan hero Aeneas had, according to legend, founded Rome after the destruction of Troy.. In Machiavelli's interpretation, Moses, after leading the Israelites out of Egypt, sought towns to settle in, whereas the Trojan hero Aeneas had, according to legend, founded Rome after the destruction of Troy..6. Today the Croatian port town of Dubrovnik. Today the Croatian port town of Dubrovnik.7. The Mamluk sultanate, 12501516. The Mamluk sultanate, 12501516.8. The Ottoman sultan Selim I defeated the Mamluk armies at the battles of Marj Dabiq in 1516 and Raydaniyah in 1517, bringing Egypt under Ottoman rule. The Ottoman sultan Selim I defeated the Mamluk armies at the battles of Marj Dabiq in 1516 and Raydaniyah in 1517, bringing Egypt under Ottoman rule.9. Vitruvius (first century Vitruvius (first century BCE BCE), in his preface to Book II of De architectura De architectura, reports that Dinocrates said: ”I have created a design for shaping Mount Athos into the statue of a man. In his left hand there will be a great city with strong fortifications, and in his right hand a bowl to capture all the rivers from the mountain, which will pour from the bowl into the sea.” To which Alexander replies: ”I am delighted, but anybody who would found a city in such a place would be censured for bad judgment.”10. Romulus was the legendary founder and first king of Rome, who was said to have ruled from Rome's founding in 753 until 715 Romulus was the legendary founder and first king of Rome, who was said to have ruled from Rome's founding in 753 until 715 BCE BCE.11. Numa Pompilius was the legendary second king of Rome, said to have ruled from 715 to 673 Numa Pompilius was the legendary second king of Rome, said to have ruled from 715 to 673 BCE BCE.
CHAPTER TWO.
ON HOW MANY KINDS OF REPUBLIC THERE ARE, AND WHAT KIND THE R ROMAN REPUBLIC WAS.
I would like to set aside the discussion of cities that had their origin through an outside power, and discuss those that had their origin without any external servitude but were governed from the start by their own free will, either as republics or as princ.i.p.alities. With their varied beginnings, these cities had different laws and inst.i.tutions. Some were given their laws by a single ruler and all at once, either at the time of their founding or soon thereafter, like the laws given by Lycurgus to the Spartans. Other cities received their laws by chance on different occasions and depending on circ.u.mstances, as was the case with Rome. A state can be considered most fortunate if it can bring forth a man who is so wise that he establishes laws organized in such a way that the state can exist securely under them without these laws needing to be revised. It ca
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