Part 19 (1/2)

_If the Reform Bill be pa.s.sed, it will be impossible to preserve inviolate the Union with Ireland._

My opinion is, that your Lords.h.i.+ps will find it difficult, indeed, after having pa.s.sed the Bill under discussion of the other House of Parliament, to maintain inviolate that Union which now exists between the two countries. I mean to say, that in the event of that bill pa.s.sing, it would be impossible to maintain that article of the Union which recognises the Church of England as a branch of that Union, and which guarantees its safety. I beg to call to your Lords.h.i.+ps'

recollection, that his Majesty is sworn to maintain that Union inviolate; and that, in adopting the Reform measure, the Parliament do actually expose his Majesty to the risk of consenting to a bill calculated to break down the Church Establishment in Ireland. This is the impression I have always entertained--and it is an impression which I cannot remove from my mind; and, I must confess, that when I heard the other night the n.o.ble and learned Lord on the Woolsack (Lord Brougham) a.s.sert that the Reform Bill had put down agitation in Ireland, on the subject of a Repeal of the Union, I was much surprised.

_April 22, 1831._

_Importance of Portugal to England._

There is no country in Europe whose alliance is so important to England as Portugal; there is no country, the preservation of whose independence is so important to us, as that of Portugal.

_July 26, 1831._

_A preventive Police checks Crime._

In all foreign countries there exists a preventive police,--but there is no such thing in England,--which preventive police has the effect of checking crime in a very great degree. We have nothing of the sort in England, neither can there be, according to the principles of our law and const.i.tution. Such being the case, your Lords.h.i.+ps must use great caution in drawing comparisons between convictions in this and foreign countries; if that is not done, the most erroneous conclusions will be arrived at.

_September 6, 1831._

_A War of Opinions the worst of Wars._

The truth is, that the government of Portugal has, for the last ten months, been looked upon with inimical feelings and with pa.s.sion by the King's servants; and this measure[13] is not brought forward with any view to revenue, but for the purpose of opposing and embarra.s.sing the existing Government of that country. The n.o.ble Lords opposite do not like the situation of the Government of Portugal; it is not to their mind; and they are anxious, either by revolutionary measures, or any other, to overthrow it. Let them, however, look well at the responsibility they are incurring. Let them consider the frightful consequences in which their planning may involve this country, and the whole of Europe. If their designs even met with a temporary success, they would inevitably lead to a war of opinion, to a war of religion--the worst of wars, and the most deplorable consequences for all Europe would ensue.

_September 30, 1831._

[Footnote 13: The Wine Duties Bill; for regulating the tariff as regards Portugal.]

_The Duke's Declaration against all Reform._

But, my Lords, if I wanted an example of the value of the House of Commons, I should find it in the opinion of the n.o.ble Earl (Grey) the last time, I believe, the last time that he spoke of the House of Commons. In the month of February, 1817, the n.o.ble Lord said, ”const.i.tuted as it now was, he, in his conscience, believed that the House of Commons was, of all other inst.i.tutions, in all the other countries of the world, the inst.i.tution best calculated for the general protection of the subject. Supported by the people, in temperate and firm claims for redress, it was not only able, but certain to remedy every wrong. It was capable of acting as the most efficient control upon the executive, by diminis.h.i.+ng the means of consumption, and reducing the pressure of a severe and grinding taxation.” That was the opinion of the n.o.ble Earl himself, in 1817; and what, I would ask, has the Parliament done, subsequently, to deserve the disapprobation of the n.o.ble Earl?

What had it done between 1817 and the moment when I p.r.o.nounced that approbation of Parliament, of which my n.o.ble friend (Earl Winchelsea) and the n.o.ble Earl (Grey) have so much disapproved? When the n.o.ble Earl quoted what I said not quite a twelvemonth ago, he might, I think, quote it correctly. What I said was, that Parliament had done its duty by the country, and enjoyed its confidence. I said, that if I had to create a const.i.tution of Parliament, I could not create that which now existed, because I did not believe the art of one man could invent such a system; but I said, that I would do my endeavour to establish one like it, in which property in land should be preponderant. That was what I said; and I afterwards had the satisfaction to hear the n.o.ble Marquis (Lansdowne) deliver a similar opinion. He stated that, in any system of representation which he could support, property and learning must be preponderant. I said that I should consider it my duty to resist the adopting of any plan of reform that should be brought forward. I spoke as a minister of the Crown; I meant to resist reform. The n.o.ble Lords say, that this statement of mine caused great enmity to me, and created that spirit of reform which has since pervaded the whole country. I beg the n.o.ble Earl's pardon; but the spirit of reform in this country was the consequence of the French revolution. It is true, that ever since the American war, a desire for Parliamentary Reform has been manifested, particularly when any disturbance or insurrection has occurred in any of the neighbouring foreign countries--above all, since the French revolution; and when there has been any extraordinary distress or difficulty in the country. At the same time, I believe that, from year to year, the manifestations of such a desire have been less frequent. I have, indeed, the authority of those most friendly to reform for saying that the manifestations of the desire for reform were less frequent, till the period of the revolution of July, 1830, than they had formerly been for a number of years.

_October 4, 1831._

_Electoral Pledges Unconst.i.tutional._

It is on the ground of the dissolution, and of the Speech from the Throne,[14] that I charge the n.o.ble Lords with having excited the spirit which existed in the country at the period of the last general election; and with having been the cause of the unconst.i.tutional practice, hitherto unknown, of electing delegates for a particular purpose to Parliament--delegates to obey the daily instructions of their const.i.tuents, and to be cas.h.i.+ered if they should disobey them, whatever may be their own opinion; instead of being, as they have been hitherto, independent members of Parliament, to deliberate with their colleagues upon matters of common concern, and to decide according to the best of their judgment, after such deliberation and debate. This is an evil of which the country will long feel the consequences, whatever may be the result of these discussions.

[Footnote 14: The Whig ministry dissolved the Parliament in April, 1831.

A new Parliament met in June; and, on the 21st of that month, the King made the speech alluded to. In the interval there had been great excitement in the country.]