Volume Ii Part 27 (2/2)

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th January 1847._

The turn which the Portuguese affairs are now likely to take is really very satisfactory. The Queen is sure that the Court will not allow violent measures of revenge to be taken against the vanquished party nor the overthrow of a Const.i.tutional Government; but the Queen of Portugal will have to punish those who have broken their oath of allegiance, and will have to remove from the country those who would infallibly ere long plunge the country afresh into those _horrors_ from which it is just emerging. The further infusion of democracy into the Charter would at this moment be quite misplaced, but this opportunity should be taken by the Queen of Portugal to _establish_ a _state_ of _legality_ and _security_, by compelling any new Ministry to lay the accounts every year before the Cortes (which has not been done for the last ten years, either by Progressistas, Septembristas, or others), by establis.h.i.+ng irremovable judges, and appointing thereto incorruptible persons, by _honestly and fairly_ distributing the patronage in the Army--apart from the party--which will now be possible as the King has the command himself, and by adopting such measures of _internal_ improvement as will promote the _material_ welfare of the people.

_These_ are the principles which the Queen would wish to see _her_ representative urge upon the Portuguese Court and Government, and she has no doubt that they are in perfect conformity with Lord John Russell's own views. The Queen cannot help repeating that the tone and bearing of Mr Southern are more those of a Portuguese Demagogue than of an English Representative.

[Pageheading: A CONCILIATORY POLICY]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

TUILERIES, _15th January 1847._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I am truly happy to learn what you say about your feelings on those troublesome politics; I can a.s.sure you that many people who are, in fact, quite indifferent to politics, _rencherissent_ in expressions of dislike and contempt _seulement_, because they believe that you have those opinions. Many wise people repeat sayings which they a.s.sume to come from your own mouth, such, for instance, ”that Louis Philippe could never be trusted, being, after all, an old fox,” etc.

The King's Speech was as un.o.bjectionable as possible. I trust that there will be no _bitterness_ in yours. It is as much, if not more, in the interest of Great Britain to keep France quiet and continuing a peaceable policy than in that of France. France, as the old Duke once said with great truth, has been already _under water several times, what could be spoiled has been spoiled_, what remains _is pretty solid_. To attack France in France would lead to the most dangerous consequences. In general, if we get once a great war again you will be sure to have everywhere revolutions, and to imagine that you will escape in England all reactions would be a grievous mistake. When one looks to the changes, brought about in England in consequence of the Revolution of July, one is quite astounded. Here they changed nothing but the dynasty, in England _the very spirit of the old Monarchy has been abolished_, and what will be, in the course of time, the consequences, it is not easy to tell. A bad Const.i.tution acts strongly on the people. Look to America, even to Belgium. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th February 1847._

Lord John Russell's memorandum contains two different questions. The one is this: how far the interests of England require an interference in the affairs of Portugal for the restoration of peace in that country and the preservation of its Throne, and how far England is bound by existing treaties to interfere.

As to this question, it appears from Lord John's memorandum that the ancient treaties having reference to _foreign_ invasion only are inapplicable to the present case, that the Quadruple Treaty would revive on the appearance of Dom Miguel in Portugal, that an understanding with Spain ought to be come to for its execution, but Lord John does not make any specific proposal.

The other question is, what wrongs the Queen, the Ministers, and the rebels may have done to bring about the present state of affairs. This the Queen conceives can only be decided by a _most minute, impartial, and anxious scrutiny_. She indignantly rejects the notion to leave this decision to Mr Southern.... Lord John's statement contains, however, nothing but the echo of his reports.

Lord John will upon reflection admit that to say ”that recent events exhibit a spirit of tyranny and cruelty in the Portuguese Government _without a parallel_ in any part of Europe,” there, where not _one_ execution has taken place, is rather a strong expression.

That the cruelties and miseries inseparable from a Civil War are to be deplored, there can be no doubt of, and it is in order to stop a further continuance and perhaps aggravation of these horrors, that the Queen is so anxious to see the struggle brought to an early termination.

The Queen hopes to see Lord John to-morrow at three o'clock, when she hopes that he will be able to submit a definitive step.

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