Volume Ii Part 28 (1/2)
[Page Heading: ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
_14th March 1847._
The Queen wishes again to call Lord John Russell's serious attention to the state of Spain and Portugal, and to the policy which has been pursued with regard to them, and the result of this policy. In Spain we have taken up the cause of the Progressistas, and what has been the consequence? They desert us.
We have no longer the slightest influence in that country; France has it all her own way, and we shall see the Cortes confirm the succession of the Infanta and her children without being able to prevent it. Of the Progressistas, on whom Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon, and others always placed their hopes, Mr Bulwer says _now_: ”The fact is, that though they are the party least servile to France, they are the most impracticable party, and belonging to a lower cla.s.s of society, who have not the same feelings of honourable and gentlemanlike conduct which sometimes guide a portion, though a very small one, of their opponents.”
In Spain therefore it is, the Queen fears, _too late_; but let us not throw away this lesson, and, if it is still possible, not also lose Portugal. Our influence there is fast going, and Sir H. Seymour[1]
confirms what _every one_ but Mr Southern has stated for the last two months, viz. that we are believed to be favourable to the rebels; consequently, that no advice of ours will be listened to. Sir H.
Seymour further says: ”I should have been glad to have gained a little time, and not at the outset of my mission to be obliged to call the Government to account upon various scores. Your orders, however, leave me no option, and I shall be obliged to administer a series of reproofs which will, I fear, confirm the notion as to our unfriendly feelings.” This is the course the Queen thinks so very unfortunate; trifles about two horses, the beating of a gardener of Lord Howard's by some soldiers on a march in times of Civil War, etc., are made topics of serious complaint. Most peremptory notes are written, threatening the Government with our men-of-war, whilst it is held to be unwise to threaten the insurgents.
Then, the Court is told to believe _our feelings of attachment_ for them!
Sir H. Seymour says that his position is rendered very difficult in consequence. We have now the results before us. Let us, therefore, before Portugal, our ancient ally, turns also away from us, and leans to France or Spain in preference, as she _must_, if we give her such doubtful support, try to pursue a more conciliatory course; these peremptory and dictatory notes, these constant complaints, produce the worst and most unfortunate effect.
These very Septembristas have been always the greatest enemies of England, and would be the first to turn against us should they succeed.
There should more lat.i.tude be given to the resident Minister not to press things at moments when they produce embarra.s.sment to a Government already _tottering_, but to give him the option of waiting for a fit opportunity, and for the manner in which it is to be done, which a person on the spot can be a better judge of than we can in England.
Once more the Queen earnestly warns Lord John of the imminent danger of England losing _all_ legitimate influence in Portugal, which ought now, more than ever, to be of the greatest _importance_ to us.
The Queen has in all this _spoken_ solely of English influence, but this influence becomes of still greater importance to her when the Sovereigns of that country are her near and dear relations.[2]
[Footnote 1: Envoy Extraordinary at Lisbon.]
[Footnote 2: This letter at once bore fruit, a conference being held in London between the representatives of Great Britain, Spain, France, and Portugal, and armed co-operation to enforce the acceptance of certain terms by the Revolutionary Junta being decided upon.]
[Page Heading: THE SEPTENNIAL ACT]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _19th March 1847._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Lord John Russell thinks it right to state to your Majesty that the prevailing opinion in the Cabinet is that when the necessary business in the House of Commons has been finished, a Dissolution of Parliament should take place.
This course would be conformable to the usage from the pa.s.sing of the Septennial Act till 1830. From 1830 to the present year no House of Commons has been allowed to continue six years. The Dissolutions of Lord Grey in 1831 and 1832, of Sir Robert Peel in 1834, the death of William the Fourth in 1837, Lord Melbourne's Dissolution in 1841, have all interrupted the natural life of Parliaments. But all Governments since the accession of the House of Hanover have been of opinion (with one or two exceptions) that it is hazardous to allow a Parliament to continue seven years, as circ.u.mstances may arise making a Dissolution very detrimental to the public welfare.