Part 1 (2/2)
Of the Greek authors, Plutarch only is used, and he evidently by means of a Latin translation. But from the Latin large draughts of inspiration are taken, direct from the fountainhead. Ovid, Juvenal, Persius, Catullus, and Seneca, are largely drawn from, while, strangely enough, Cicero, Boethius, and Virgil are quoted but seldom, the latter, indeed, only twice, though his commentators, especially Servetus, are frequently employed. The Bible, of course, is a never-failing source of ill.u.s.tration, and, as was to be expected, the Old Testament much more frequently than the New, most use being made of the Proverbs of Solomon, while Ecclesiastes, Ecclesiasticus, and the Sapientia follow at no great distance.
The quotations are made apparently direct from the Vulgate, in only a few cases there being a qualification of the idea by the interpretation of the Corpus Juris Canonici. But through this medium only, as was to be expected of the professor of canon law, is the light of the fathers of the Church allowed to s.h.i.+ne upon us, and according to Zarncke (Introduction to his edition of the Narrenschiff, 1854), use of it has certainly been made far oftener than the commentary shows, the sources of information of which are of the most unsatisfactory character. On such solid and tried foundations did Brandt construct his great work, and the judgment of contemporaries and posterity alike has declared the superstructure to be worthy of its supports.
The following admirable notice from Ersch and Gruber (Encyclopadie) sums up so skilfully the history, nature, and qualities of the book that we quote at length:--”The s.h.i.+p of Fools was received with almost unexampled applause by high and low, learned and unlearned, in Germany, Switzerland, and France, and was made the common property of the greatest part of literary Europe, through Latin, French, English, and Dutch translations. For upwards of a century it was in Germany a _book of the people_ in the n.o.blest and widest sense of the word, alike appreciated by an Erasmus and a Reuchlin, and by the mechanics of Stra.s.sburg, Basel, and Augsburg; and it was a.s.sumed to be so familiar to all cla.s.ses, that even during Brandt's lifetime, the German preacher Gailer von Kaiserberg went so far as to deliver public lectures from the pulpit on his friend's poem as if it had been a scriptural text. As to the poetical and humorous character of Brandt's poem, its whole conception does not display any extraordinary power of imagination, nor does it present in its details any very striking sallies of wit and humour, even when compared with older German works of a similar kind, such as that of Renner. The fundamental idea of the poem consists in the s.h.i.+pping off of several s.h.i.+ploads of fools of all kinds for their native country, which, however, is visible at a distance only; and one would have expected the poet to have given poetical consistency to his work by fully carrying out this idea of a s.h.i.+p's crew, and sailing to the 'Land of Fools.' It is, however, at intervals only that Brandt reminds us of the allegory; the fools who are carefully divided into cla.s.ses and introduced to us in succession, instead of being ridiculed or derided, are reproved in a liberal spirit, with n.o.ble earnestness, true moral feeling, and practical common sense. It was the straightforward, the bold and liberal spirit of the poet which so powerfully addressed his contemporaries from the s.h.i.+p of the Fools; and to us it is valuable as a product of the piety and morality of the century which paved the way for the Reformation. Brandt's fools are represented as contemptible and loathsome rather than _foolish_, and what he calls follies might be more correctly described as sins and vices.
”The 's.h.i.+p of Fools' is written in the dialect of Swabia, and consists of vigorous, resonant, and rhyming iambic quadrameters. It is divided into 113 sections, each of which, with the exception of a short introduction and two concluding pieces, treats independently of a certain cla.s.s of fools or vicious persons; and we are only occasionally reminded of the fundamental idea by an allusion to the s.h.i.+p. No folly of the century is left uncensured. The poet attacks with n.o.ble zeal the failings and extravagances of his age, and applies his lash unsparingly even to the dreaded Hydra of popery and monasticism, to combat which the Hercules of Wittenberg had not yet kindled his firebrands. But the poet's object was not merely to reprove and to animadvert; he instructs also, and shows the fools the way to the land of wisdom; and so far is he from a.s.suming the arrogant air of the commonplace moralist, that he reckons himself among the number of fools.
The style of the poem is lively, bold, and simple, and often remarkably terse, especially in his moral sayings, and renders it apparent that the author was a cla.s.sical scholar, without however losing anything of his German character.”
Brandt's humour, which either his earnestness or his manner banished from the text, took refuge in the ill.u.s.trations and there disported itself with a wild zest and vigour. Indeed to their popularity several critics have ascribed the success of the book, but for this there is no sufficient authority or probability. Clever as they are, it is more probable that they ran, in popularity, but an equal race with the text. The precise amount of Brandt's workmans.h.i.+p in them has not been ascertained, but it is agreed that ”most of them, if not actually drawn, were at least suggested by him.”
Zarncke remarks regarding their artistic worth, ”not all of the cuts are of equal value. One can easily distinguish five different workers, and more practised eyes would probably be able to increase the number. In some one can see how the outlines, heads, hands, and other princ.i.p.al parts are cut with the fine stroke of the master, and the details and shading left to the scholars. The woodcuts of the most superior master, which can be recognized at once, and are about a third of the whole, belong to the finest, if they are not, indeed, the finest, which were executed in the fifteenth century, a worthy school of Holbein. According to the opinion of Herr Rudolph Weigel, they might possibly be the work of Martin Schon of Colmar.... The composition in the better ones is genuinely Hogarth-like, and the longer one looks at these little pictures, the more is one astonished at the fulness of the humour, the fineness of the characterisation and the almost dramatic talent of the grouping.” Green, in his recent work on emblems, characterizes them as marking an epoch in that kind of literature. And Dibdin, the Macaulay of bibliography, loses his head in admiration of the ”entertaining volume,” extolling the figures without stint for ”merit in conception and execution,” ”bold and free pencilling,” ”spirit and point,”
”delicacy, truth, and force,” ”spirit of drollery,” &c., &c.; summarising thus, ”few books are more pleasing to the eye, and more gratifying to the fancy than the early editions of the 'Stultifera Navis.' It presents a combination of entertainment to which the curious can never be indifferent.”
Whether it were the racy cleverness of the pictures or the unprecedented boldness of the text, the book stirred Europe of the fifteenth century in a way and with a rapidity it had never been stirred before. In the German actual acquaintance with it could then be but limited, though it ran through seventeen editions within a century; the Latin version brought it to the knowledge of the educated cla.s.s throughout Europe; but, expressing, as it did mainly, the feelings of the common people, to have it in the learned language was not enough. Translations into various vernaculars were immediately called for, and the Latin edition having lightened the translator's labours, they were speedily supplied. England, however, was all but last in the field but when she did appear, it was in force, with a version in each hand, the one in prose and the other in verse.
Fifteen years elapsed from the appearance of the first German edition, before the English metrical version ”translated out of Laten, French, and Doche ... in the colege of Saynt Mary Otery, by me, Alexander Barclay,” was issued from the press of Pynson in 1509. A translation, however, it is not.
Properly speaking, it is an adaptation, an English s.h.i.+p, formed and fas.h.i.+oned after the s.h.i.+p of Fools of the World. ”But concernynge the translacion of this boke; I exhort ye reders to take no displesour for y^t, it is nat translated word by worde acordinge to ye verses of my actour. For I haue but only drawen into our moder tunge, in rude langage the sentences of the verses as nere as the parcyte of my wyt wyl suffer me, some tyme addynge, somtyme detractinge and takinge away suche thinges as semeth me necessary and superflue. Wherfore I desyre of you reders pardon of my presumptuous audacite, trustynge that ye shall holde me excused if ye consyder ye scarsnes of my wyt and my vnexpert youthe. I haue in many places ouerpa.s.sed dyuers poetical digressions and obscurenes of fables and haue concluded my worke in rude langage as shal apere in my translacion.”
”Wylling to redres the errours and vyces of this oure royalme of England ... I haue taken upon me ... the translacion of this present boke ... onely for the holsome instruccion commodyte and doctryne of wysdome, and to clense the vanyte and madness of folysshe people of whom ouer great nombre is in the Royalme of Englonde.”
Actuated by these patriotic motives, Barclay has, while preserving all the valuable characteristics of his original, painted for posterity perhaps the most graphic and comprehensive picture now preserved of the folly, injustice, and iniquity which demoralized England, city and country alike, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, and rendered it ripe for any change political or religious.
”Knowledge of trouth, prudence, and iust symplicite Hath vs clene left; For we set of them no store.
Our Fayth is defyled loue, goodnes, and Pyte: Honest maners nowe ar reputed of: no more.
Lawyers ar lordes; but Justice is rent and tore.
Or closed lyke a Monster within dores thre.
For without mede: or money no man can hyr se.
Al is disordered: Vertue hath no rewarde.
Alas, compa.s.sion; and mercy bothe ar slayne.
Alas, the stony hartys of pepyl ar so harde That nought can constrayne theyr folyes to refrayne.”
His s.h.i.+ps are full laden but carry not all who should be on board.
”We are full lade and yet forsoth I thynke A thousand are behynde, whom we may not receyue For if we do, our nauy clene shall synke He oft all lesys that coueytes all to haue From London Rockes Almyghty G.o.d vs saue For if we there anker, outher bote or barge There be so many that they vs wyll ouercharge.”
The national tone and aim of the English ”s.h.i.+p” are maintained throughout with the greatest emphasis, exhibiting an independence of spirit which few ecclesiastics of the time would have dared to own. Barclay seems to have been first an Englishman, then an ecclesiastic. Everywhere throughout his great work the voice of the people is heard to rise and ring through the long exposure of abuse and injustice, and had the authors.h.i.+p been unknown it would most certainly have been ascribed to a Langlande of the period.
Everywhere he takes what we would call the popular side, the side of the people as against those in office. Everywhere he stands up boldly in behalf of the oppressed, and spares not the oppressor, even if he be of his own cla.s.s. He applies the cudgel as vigorously to the priest's pate as to the Lolardes back. But he disliked modern innovation as much as ancient abuse, in this also faithfully reflecting the mind of the people, and he is as emphatic in his censure of the one as in his condemnation of the other.
Barclay's ”s.h.i.+p of Fools,” however, is not only important as a picture of the English life and popular feeling of his time, it is, both in style and vocabulary, a most valuable and remarkable monument of the English language. Written midway between Chaucer and Spenser, it is infinitely more easy to read than either. Page after page, even in the antique spelling of Pynson's edition, may be read by the ordinary reader of to-day without reference to a dictionary, and when reference is required it will be found in nine cases out of ten that the archaism is Saxon, not Latin. This is all the more remarkable, that it occurs in the case of a priest translating mainly from the Latin and French, and can only be explained with reference to his standpoint as a social reformer of the broadest type, and to his evident intention that his book should be an appeal to all cla.s.ses, but especially to the ma.s.s of the people, for amendment of their follies. In evidence of this it may be noticed that in the didactic pa.s.sages, and especially in the L'envois, which are additions of his own, wherever, in fact, he appears in his own character of ”preacher,” his language is most simple, and his vocabulary of the most Saxon description.
In his prologue ”excusynge the rudenes of his translacion,” he professes to have purposely used the most ”comon speche”:--
”My speche is rude my termes comon and rural And I for rude peple moche more conuenient Than for estates, lerned men, or eloquent.”
He afterwards humorously supplements this in ”the prologe,” by:--
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