Volume III Part 29 (1/2)
”Senator Robertson failed to be governor only from lack of boldness.”--_Ibid._, May 8, 1880.]
This incident produced a crop of trouble. Because Clews happened to be the guest of Conkling, Robertson, grievously disappointed, a.s.sumed that the Senator had inspired the _coup d'etat_, and from that moment began the dislike which subsequently ripened into open enmity. ”As a matter of fact,” wrote Clews, ”Conkling knew nothing of my intention, but he was either too proud or too indifferent to public sentiment to explain.”[1388]
[Footnote 1388: Henry Clews, _Fifty Years in Wall Street_, pp. 307-309; New York _Herald_, August 22.]
Dix's political course had been a tortuous one. He followed the Van Burens in 1848, becoming the Barnburners' candidate for governor, and immediately preceding the reduction of Fort Sumter advocated the restoration of the Missouri compromise, perpetuating slavery in all territory south of 36 30'. After the war he joined President Johnson, presided at the famous Philadelphia convention in 1866, and in return received appointments as minister to The Hague and later to France.
For several years, under the changing conditions of Weed's leaders.h.i.+p, he figured as a possible candidate for governor, first of one party and then of the other, but the Republicans declined to accept him in 1862 and 1864, and the Democrats refused to take him in 1866. After President Grant had relieved him of the French mission by the appointment of Elihu B. Washburne, he inclined like Weed himself to the Liberal movement until the nomination of Greeley, whom they both despised.
Seymour charged Dix with being ”a mercenary man,” who ”rented out his influence gained from political positions to companies of doubtful character for large pay.”[1389] At a later day he sketched his readiness ”to change his politics” for ”a large consideration and pay down.” It was a drastic arraignment. ”Starting out with a view of being an Anti-Mason,” wrote Seymour, ”he s.h.i.+fted to the Democratic party for the office of adjutant-general. He hesitated between Ca.s.s and Van Buren until he was nominated for governor by the Free-Soilers.
He went back to the Democratic party for the New York post-office under Pierce. He went over to Buchanan for a place in the cabinet; and from his Free-Soil views he became so violent for the South that he would not vote for Douglas, but supported Breckinridge. After presiding at an anti-war meeting he went over to Lincoln, when he was made a major-general. To get a nomination for the French mission he took part with President Johnson. To get confirmed he left him for Grant. In 1868 he intrigued for a presidential nomination from the Democratic party; as in 1866 he had tried to be nominated by the same party for the office of governor. I think this history shows that he valued his political principles at a high rate, and never sold them unless he got a round price and pay down.”[1390]
[Footnote 1389: Bigelow's _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 228.]
[Footnote 1390: _Ibid._, p. 232.]
Of the same age as Dix, Weed knew his history perfectly, which during and after the war resembled his own. But he had faith that Dix's war record would more than offset his political vagaries. ”When there was danger that Was.h.i.+ngton would fall into the hands of the rebels,” he said, ”Dix severed his relations with the Democratic administration, and in concert with Secretary Holt, Mr. Stanton, and Mr. Seward, rendered services which saved the nation's capital. A few weeks afterward, when in command of Fort McHenry, by a prompt movement against a treasonable design of members of the Legislature, he prevented Maryland from joining the Secessionists.”[1391] Moreover, Weed insisted that conservative Democrats and business men, having confidence in his integrity, would vote for him regardless of party.
[Footnote 1391: Barnes' _Life of Weed_, Vol. 2, p. 485.]
The platform, endorsing the National Administration, failed to mention the record of the Legislature. Praise for members of Congress accentuated this omission. To enlarge the ca.n.a.l for steam navigation it favoured an appropriation by the general government.[1392]
[Footnote 1392: The ticket was as follows: Governor, John A. Dix of New York; Lieutenant-Governor, John C. Robinson of Broome; Ca.n.a.l Commissioner, Reuben W. Stroud of Onondaga; Prison Inspector, Ezra Graves of Herkimer; Congressman-at-large, Lyman Tremaine of Albany; Thurlow Weed declined to head the electoral ticket, but suggested the name of Frederick Dougla.s.s, who was nominated by acclamation.--Barnes, _Life of Weed_, Vol. 2, p. 486.]
The Democrats and Liberals met in separate State conventions at Syracuse on September 4. In numbers and enthusiasm the Liberals made a creditable showing. Many Republicans who had a.s.sisted at the birth of their party and aided in achieving its victories, adorned the platform and filled the seats of delegates. John Cochrane called the convention to order, Truman G. Younglove, speaker of the a.s.sembly in 1869, acted as temporary chairman, Chauncey M. Depew became its president, and Reuben E. Fenton, with Waldo M. Hutchins, Archibald M. Bliss, Edwin A.
Merritt, D.D.S. Brown, and Frank Hisc.o.c.k, served upon the committee of conference. Among others present were Sinclair Tousey, William Dorsheimer, George P. Bradford, and Horatio N. Twombly. In his speech on taking the chair, Depew, who had attended every Republican State convention since 1858, declared that he saw before him the men whom he had learned to recognise as the trusted exponents of party policy in their several localities.[1393]
[Footnote 1393: New York _Tribune_, September 6.]
In apportioning the State offices the Democrats, after much wrangling, conceded to the Liberals the lieutenant-governor, prison inspector, and fifteen of the thirty-four electors. This settlement resulted, amidst much enthusiasm, in the nomination of Depew for lieutenant-governor.
The Democrats experienced more difficulty in selecting a candidate for governor. The withdrawal of Hoffman, who ”usually made his appointments to office,” said John Kelly, ”on the recommendation of the Tammany ring and at the solicitation of the Ca.n.a.l ring,” was inevitable,[1394] and long before he declined several aspirants had betrayed their ambition.[1395] But a decided majority of the delegates, ”fully four-fifths” declared the New York _Times_,[1396] preferred Sanford E. Church, then chief judge of the Court of Appeals, who became known as the ”ring candidate.”[1397] On the other hand, Kernan had the support of Tilden, against whom the same combination arrayed itself that controlled at Rochester in 1871. Although the Tweed ring had practically ceased to exist, its friends.h.i.+ps, rooted in the rural press and in the active young men whom it had a.s.sisted to positions in Albany and New York, blocked the way. Besides, Kernan himself had invited open hostility by vigorously supporting Tilden in his crusade against Tammany. Thus the contest became complicated and bitter.
[Footnote 1394: New York _Tribune_, August 23, 1872; New York _World_, September 10, 1874; _Times_, September 11.]
[Footnote 1395: Among them were Augustus Sch.e.l.l of New York, Francis Kernan of Oneida, Allen C. Beach of Jefferson, then lieutenant-governor, Homer A. Nelson of Dutchess, formerly secretary of state, and Lucius Robinson of Chemung, the distinguished comptroller.]
[Footnote 1396: September 6, 1872.]
[Footnote 1397: Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 226.]
It was an anxious moment for Tilden. Kelly stood for Sch.e.l.l, Kings County presented Church, and Robinson and Beach held their friends firmly in hand. With the skill of an astute leader, however, Tilden weakened the support of Church by publis.h.i.+ng his letters declining to be a candidate, and by invoking the influences which emphasised the division between Beach and Sch.e.l.l, gained Robinson for Kernan. The audacity of such tactics staggered the opposition, and when Beach surrendered, Tammany and Kings hastened into line. This led to Kernan's nomination by acclamation.[1398] As further evidence of harmony Kelly moved the appointment of Tilden as a State committeeman-at-large, and subsequently, on the organisation of the committee, continued him as its chairman.
[Footnote 1398: The first ballot resulted as follows: Kernan, 42-1/2; Beach, 32; Sch.e.l.l, 24-1/2; Nelson, 10; Church, 11; Robinson, 6; necessary to a choice, 64.
The ticket nominated by the two conventions was as follows: Governor, Francis Kernan of Oneida, Democrat; Lieutenant-Governor, Chauncey M.
Depew of Westchester, Liberal; Ca.n.a.l Commissioner, John Hubbard of Chenango, Democrat; Prison Inspector, Enos C. Brooks of Cattaraugus, Liberal; 1 Congressman-at-large, Samuel S. c.o.x of New York, Democrat.]
Both conventions endorsed the Cincinnati platform, denounced the Legislature for its failure to expel dishonest members, and charged the National Administration with corruption and favoritism. As a farewell to the Governor, the Democrats resolved that ”the general administration of John T. Hoffman meets the approbation of this convention.”[1399]
[Footnote 1399: New York _Tribune_, September 6, 1872.]