Volume III Part 28 (1/2)
[Footnote 1363: New York _Times_, May 3.]
The first New Yorker to appear at Cincinnati was Reuben E. Fenton, followed by John Cochrane, Waldo M. Hutchins, Sinclair Tousey, and other seceders from the Syracuse convention of 1871. These political veterans, with the cunning practised at ward caucuses, quickly organised the New York delegation in the interest of Greeley. On motion of Cochrane, Hutchins became chairman of a committee to name sixty-eight delegates, the people present being allowed to report two delegates from their respective congressional districts. These tactics became more offensive when the committee, instead of accepting the delegates reported, arbitrarily a.s.sumed the right to subst.i.tute several well-known friends of Greeley. Not content with this advantage, the majority, on motion of Cochrane, adopted the unit rule, thus silencing one-third of the delegation.[1364] Henry R. Selden, whose reputation for fair dealing had preceded him, characterised this performance as ”a most infamous outrage,” and upon hearing a protest of the minority, presented by Theodore Bacon of Rochester, Schurz denounced the proceeding ”as extraordinary” and ”as indicating that the reform movement, so far as it concerned New York, was virtually in the hands of a set of political tricksters, who came here not for reform, but for plunder.”[1365]
[Footnote 1364: New York _Evening Post_, May 2, 1872.]
[Footnote 1365: _Ibid._]
Next to the ”tricksters” the platform-makers embarra.s.sed the convention. It was easy to recognise the equality of all men before the law, to pledge fidelity to the Union, to oppose the re-election of the President, to denounce repudiation, to demand local self-government for the Southern States, to ask ”the immediate and absolute removal of all disabilities imposed on account of the rebellion,” and to favour ”a thorough reform of the civil service;”
but for a tariff reform a.s.semblage to frame a resolution which the apostle of protection could accept required great patience and persistence. The vexatious delay became so intolerable that delegates insisted upon making a ticket before adopting a platform. Cochrane bitterly opposed such a resolution since Greeley's candidacy, if not his support of the movement, depended upon the convention's att.i.tude on the tariff. Indeed, not until the committee on resolutions had accepted what the editor himself dictated was the knotty point finally settled. ”Recognising,” said the platform, ”that there are in our midst honest but irreconcilable differences of opinion with regard to the respective systems of protection and free-trade, we remit the discussion of the subject to the people in their congressional districts and to the decision of Congress thereon, wholly free from executive interference or dictation.”
Although the resolution was out of keeping with the spirit of the movement, it seemed proper to pay this extortionate price for Greeley's support, since his conspicuous champions.h.i.+p of protection made it impossible for him to acquiesce in any impairment of that doctrine; but the advantage that such a concession gave his candidacy appears not to have occurred to the leaders who embodied whatever of principle and conviction the convention possessed. Indeed, no scheme of the managers contemplated his nomination. To many persons Greeley's aspiration took the form of ”a joke.”[1366] Nor was his name seriously discussed until the delegates a.s.sembled at Cincinnati. Even then the belief obtained that after a complimentary vote to him and other favourite sons, Adams would become their beneficiary. But the work of Fenton quickly betrayed itself. In obedience to a bargain, Gratz Brown of Missouri, at the end of the first ballot, withdrew in favour of Greeley, and although Adams held the lead on the next four ballots, the strength of Davis and Trumbull shrivelled while Greeley's kept increasing. Yet the managers did not suspect a stampede. Eighty per cent. of the New Yorker's votes came from the Middle and Southern States.[1367] Moreover, the Trumbull men held the balance of power.
After several notable changes Adams still led by half a hundred. On the sixth ballot, however, to the surprise and chagrin of the Adams managers, Trumbull's delegates began breaking to Greeley, and in the confusion which quickly developed into a storm of blended cheers and hisses, Illinois and the Middle West carried the _Tribune's_ chief beyond the required number of votes.[1368] Gratz Brown was then nominated for Vice-President.
[Footnote 1366: New York _Evening Post_, May 4, 1872.]
[Footnote 1367: Southern States, 104; Middle, 96; New England, 15; Western, 19; Pacific, 24.]
[Footnote 1368:
Whole number of votes 714 Necessary to a choice 358
First Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Adams 203 243 264 279 309 187 Greeley 147 245 258 251 258 482 Trumbull 110 148 156 141 91 10 Davis 92-1/2 75 44 51 30 6 Brown 95 2 2 2 Curtin 62 Chase 2-1/2 1 2 29]
Greeley's nomination astounded the general public as much as it disappointed the Liberal leaders. Bowles called the result ”a fate above logic and superior to reason,”[1369] but the _Evening Post_ thought it due to ”commonplace chicanery, intrigue, bargaining, and compromise.”[1370] Stanley Matthews, who was temporary chairman of the convention, declared himself greatly chagrined at the whole matter. ”I have concluded,” he said, ”that as a politician and a President maker, I am not a success.”[1371] Hoadly published a card calling the result ”the alliance of Tammany and Blair,” and William Cullen Bryant, Oswald Ottendorfer of the _Staats-Zeitung_, and other anti-protectionists of New York, made a fruitless effort to put another candidate before the country.[1372] In the end the _Nation_ and the _Evening Post_ supported President Grant.
[Footnote 1369: Merriam, _Life of Bowles_, Vol. 2, p. 210.]
[Footnote 1370: New York _Evening Post_, May 4, 1872.]
[Footnote 1371: Warden, _Life of Chase_, p. 732.]
[Footnote 1372: Appleton's _Cyclopaedia_, 1872, p. 779.]
The nomination deeply mortified the Democrats. They had encouraged the revolt, expecting the selection of Adams, or Trumbull, or David Davis, whom they could readily adopt, but Greeley, a lifelong antagonist, plunged them into trouble. No other Republican had so continuously vilified them. From his introduction to political life in 1840 he had waged a constant and personal warfare, often using his strong, idiomatic English with the ferocity of a Wilkes. A caricature by Greeley was as much feared as a cartoon by Nast. He spared no one. He had a.s.sailed Seymour with a violence that might well seem to have made any form of political reconciliation impossible. With equal skill he had aimed his epithets at every Democratic statesman and politician from Van Buren to Fernando Wood, the sting of his relentless and merciless criticism goading each one into frenzy. For them now to a.s.sume to overlook such treatment and accept its author as a political a.s.sociate and exemplar seemed a mockery. Several Democratic journals, following the lead of the _World_, refused to do so, while others, shrouding their disinclination in a non-committal tone, awaited the a.s.sembling of the State convention which met at Rochester on May 15.
Seymour did not attend this meeting, and although Tilden carefully avoided an expression of opinion, the delegates, after approving the Cincinnati platform, insisted upon referring the choice of candidates to the national convention, sending John T. Hoffman as a delegate-at-large to represent them.
One month later the Democratic national convention met at Baltimore.[1373] Although the delegates, especially those from the South, indicated a growing sentiment in favour of Greeley, the absence of veteran leaders from the North created much comment. Hendricks of Indiana sent his regrets; Seymour also remained at home; and Tilden, Kernan, and Sanford E. Church found it convenient to be otherwise engaged. But August Belmont appeared, and for the last time, after twelve years of service and defeat as chairman of the national committee, called the convention to order. John T. Hoffman also appeared. He was the best known if not the wisest delegate in the convention, and as he actively joined the Southern leaders in encouraging the new order of things, it was easy to understand how his star might still have been in the ascendant had his political a.s.sociates been content with power without plunder. Samuel S. c.o.x, recently characterised by Greeley as ”our carpet-bag representative in Congress” who had ”cast in his lot with thieves,”[1374] also smoothed the way for his critic's nomination. He could forgive if he did not forget.
[Footnote 1373: July 9, 1872.]
[Footnote 1374: New York _Tribune_, November 1, 1871. c.o.x's election to Congress from New York occurred in 1870, three years after he became a resident of the State.]
Next to c.o.x sat John Kelly, the new boss of Tammany. The combativeness indicated by the form of the head was accentuated by the conspicuous jaw, the firm, thin-lipped mouth, and the closely cropped hair and beard, already fading into white; but there was nothing rough or rowdyish in his manner or appearance. He dressed neatly, listened respectfully, and spoke in low, gentle tones, an Irish sense of humour frequently illuminating a square, kindly face. It was noticeable, too, that although he began life as a mason and had handled his fists like a professional, his hands were small and shapely. Kelly had served two years as alderman, four years in Congress, and six years as sheriff.
He had also represented his county in the national conventions of 1864 and 1868. His character for honesty had not been above suspicion. Men charged that he was ”counted in” as congressman, and that while sheriff he had obtained a large sum of money by illegal methods.[1375]
In 1868 he suddenly sailed for Europe because of alleged ill-health, where he remained until late in 1871. He was a rich man then.[1376]
Now, at the age of fifty-one, he was destined to make himself not less powerful or widely known than the great criminal whom he succeeded.[1377] With the aid of Tilden, O'Conor, and other men conspicuous in the reform movement, he had reorganised Tammany in the preceding April, increasing a new general committee to five hundred members, and with great shrewdness causing the appointment of committees to cooperate with the Bar a.s.sociation, with the Committee of Seventy, and with the Munic.i.p.al Taxpayers' a.s.sociation. These represented regenerated Tammany. Kelly affected extreme modesty, but as he moved about the hall of the national convention, urging the nomination of Greeley, the delegates recognised a master in the art of controlling men.