Part 12 (1/2)

Next the group voted to establish a nonprofit organization to lead the drive. They settled on the name: the Coalition to Save Fort Trumbull Neighborhood. Committees were established and filled. a.s.signments were made. And the group settled on meeting weekly.

The Hallquists agreed to do legal research on the NLDC's actions. Paxton accepted responsibility for writing opinion pieces and letters to the editor. Another group of individuals agreed to pen letters to all elected officials at the local, state, and federal levels. Others agreed to mobilize more residents into action.

While protesting the NLDC's plans to wipe out a neighborhood, the group also agreed they had to offer a counterplan. John Steffian accepted that a.s.signment. He promised to produce an alternative design that would preserve the neighborhood while still accomplis.h.i.+ng the NLDC's goals.

Susette got emotional. This collection of talented, dedicated people overwhelmed her. Few of them knew Susette, yet they all were dedicated to helping her save her home. For the first time, she felt convinced the neighborhood could be saved.

The group asked Susette for a list of people who had moved out of the neighborhood under duress. They also asked her to write a letter to the editor of the newspaper voicing her anger with the NLDC's actions.

Susette had never written an opinion letter. Mitch.e.l.l offered to help her, and that night they got together and wrote: While other a.s.sociations are battling for speed b.u.mps on their streets and better lighting, sidewalks in front of their homes and drug-free streets, we in the Fort Trumbull neighborhood are fighting for only one thing-our homes.And why shouldn't we? Or more precisely, why should we have to? They belong to us. We've paid our taxes and our water bills, maintained our homes, made some improvements, put up with the stench of the sewer plants. Now the NLDC says we have to go. We have to make room for people who will better fit into a ”hip little city.”We have no objection to a hotel, conference center or wellness clinic. We are happy to see that Fort Trumbull will be open as a state park. We welcome Pfizer. But not at the expense of the people who have invested so much in this neighborhood.Most of the work in mounting and maintaining this campaign to save our homes has fallen on the shoulders of myself and Kathleen Mitch.e.l.l. We have learned that in the esoteric language of redevelopment, ”hip” means ”higher-income people.” ”In the way of progress” means ”we want your homes.”Where is the justice in forcing senior citizens out of their homes?Let us keep our homes. Ask yourself this: ”What would I do if it were my home or that of my parents or my children?” Those who wanted to go (and some who didn't) have gone from Fort Trumbull. You can safely a.s.sume that the rest of us want to stay. Please support us.

Susette's letter was published under the t.i.tle: ”No room for New Londoners.” Seeing her byline in the newspaper emboldened Susette.

The opposite page carried an essay by Fred Paxton t.i.tled ”Little 'social justice' in strong-arm tactics.” In it he artfully used Claire's words against her. He took her slogan statement-”Economic development and social justice are two sides of the same coin”-and listed all the injustices being committed as a result of the NLDC's plan to complement Pfizer's global research center. ”This means the disappearance of landmarks, among as many as 26 small businesses and 115 homes,” Paxton wrote. ”Why can't they be part of the plan? As it is, their lives have been up in the air for almost two years.”

Paxton's printed bio as a professor at Connecticut College hit Claire like a slap in the face.

The sudden onslaught persuaded the NLDC to agree to a meeting with the new coalition.

The first time Susette had approached Matt Dery to join a neighborhood a.s.sociation, he had made it clear he would never join any group effort to oppose the NLDC. But since then, a lot had changed. Susette went to see Dery again. She told him about the new coalition and all the smart people who had joined. She explained that the coalition had pressured the NLDC into holding a meeting at St. James Church, where NLDC officials would answer questions. She asked him to attend.

He complained that for years no one had even known their neighborhood existed. No one had known what was beyond the train tracks. ”We were in a world by ourselves,” he said.

She got the picture. ”When the story first came out in the papers that they wanted the fort,” she said, ”people in the city were like, 'Where the h.e.l.l is that place?'”

”n.o.body ever cared about us,” Dery said. ”They put the s.h.i.+t plant down here. They don't plow here when it snows. They don't pick up our garbage. This was a forgotten neighborhood.”

She nodded.

But after Dery said his piece, he agreed to attend the meeting with her.

December 7, 1999 Fred Paxton donned his reading gla.s.ses and plugged in his laptop at St. James Church. Kathleen Mitch.e.l.l, John and Sarah Steffian, and the Hallquists filed in with prepared questions. They couldn't wait to get at the NLDC. Mayor Beachy had pa.s.sed along some intelligence: the NLDC had retained a nationally renowned engineering firm-Wallace Roberts & Todd-to suggest options for how to redevelop the ninety-acre peninsula, and the firm had actually advocated keeping the houses in Fort Trumbull. The NLDC eventually replaced that firm with a lesser known one that advocated demolis.h.i.+ng all homes.

Admiral David Goebel and four other representatives from the NLDC filed in. After a brief introduction, the coalition began to fire questions at Goebel. One coalition member wanted to know why the NLDC had dismissed the design firm that recommended preserving the homes and integrating them into the redevelopment plan.

”I wouldn't say they were fired,” Goebel said. ”Their work was done, and they just fell off.”

Paxton found Goebel's statement disingenuous. He felt firms of that caliber didn't ”fall off.”

”This is a conflict of interest,” Paxton said. ”The NLDC was interested in buying properties with the clear intent of demolition.”

Goebel emphasized that the development would serve the best overall interest of the city by increasing tax revenues by $12 million a year. Most of the revenue, he insisted, would come from Pfizer, which would help the city's schools, health care, and art and cultural programs. He sounded like Claire had fed him his lines.

Steffian didn't appreciate Goebel's sidestepping the coalition's core issue: saving homes. He challenged Goebel, saying the homes could easily be integrated into any development design.

Goebel didn't have an answer.

Matt Dery nudged Susette. ”Ask Goebel if he's going to do anything to help us save our homes,” he said.

”Mr. Goebel,” Susette said, ”is there anything that you or the NLDC is going to do to help save our homes?”

”In order to complete the development of the area, in order to do that, we must acquire all the homes,” said Goebel, adding that the homes he had seen were not in good shape. Speechless, Susette turned to Dery. Goebel's dig hit Dery like a punch in the heart. Only Paxton's fingers' pecking at his laptop keyboard broke the awkward silence.

”He didn't even lie and at least say say they would try and save our houses,” Susette whispered to Dery. they would try and save our houses,” Susette whispered to Dery.

After a distinguished career as an architect and designer, John Steffian had no patience for what Goebel was saying. What did Goebel know about engineering, architecture, and urban design? The guy was a retired admiral, not an urban planner. He was used to giving orders. In this instance, he sounded a lot like an NLDC yes-man, a preprogrammed mouthpiece who would say anything to justify the agency's determination to give Pfizer what it wanted-an entirely new neighborhood.

The next morning's headline read: ”NLDC will demolish all the homes in the Fort Trumbull area even though a coalition has asked it to preserve them.”

December 15, 1999 Governor Rowland had had it. Nearly six months had pa.s.sed since the Freedom of Information Commission had ordered the NLDC to turn over doc.u.ments to the newspaper. And it still had not complied. Meanwhile, the NLDC's battle with holdout homeowners in Fort Trumbull had become a full-blown controversy with no signs of slowing down. Protest letters and essays had become routine on the newspaper's editorial page. The public sentiment seemed to be tilting in favor of the property owners. The media seemed headed that way too. Worst of all, time had clearly demonstrated that Claire was not someone the state could control.

The governor decided to remind her where the power rested. He issued Claire a letter threatening to withhold state funds from the NLDC if it didn't comply with the freedom-of-information law. The governor made sure the press got a copy of the letter.

Claire issued a written statement, promising to comply.

When John Steffian completed his alternative design for the Fort Trumbull peninsula, the coalition distributed copies to the media, along with a press release. Steffian also sent his plans to the NLDC. The renderings showed a way to integrate the existing historic neighborhood into the new development in such a way that the old would complement the new. Steffian's plan also preserved the elements important to Pfizer, including waterfront access and new amenities appealing in a corporate campus.

No one at the NLDC cared to see Steffian's design-not Claire, not Goebel, not Percy. A staffer merely stuffed the plan in a file cabinet.

Chastised by the governor, Claire had her lawyers withdraw the freedom-of-information appeal. Still smarting from the defeat, she wrote to publisher Reid MacCluggage. ”I have reflected on how the newspaper and the development effort can move in more synchronous ways,” she said. ”As you probably know, Bill Taylor, retired publisher of the Boston Globe Boston Globe and member of the board of the and member of the board of the New York Times New York Times, was a trustee of Connecticut College. I have sought Bill's advice in the past on many issues, including those related to dealing with the press. Bill has graciously agreed to come to New London to a closed meeting with you and the members of the Day Day staff for a discussion on civic journalism if you would like to invite him to come. He has offered five dates.” staff for a discussion on civic journalism if you would like to invite him to come. He has offered five dates.”

Claire advised MacCluggage to have no one outside the newspaper staff attend the meeting. ”I am hopeful that on behalf of the City of New London and its great past, we can move forward as fellow citizens in the new year,” she said. ”The Day Day has played a powerful role in the city's past. I am looking forward to its playing an equally powerful role in the city's future.” has played a powerful role in the city's past. I am looking forward to its playing an equally powerful role in the city's future.”

MacCluggage could not believe Claire had the nerve to contact one of the more respected names in print journalism and ask him to make a presentation to the newspaper without first checking with him.

He wrote her back: I wish you had consulted me before asking Bill Taylor to come to the Day Day for a discussion on civic journalism. I have the highest regard for Mr. Taylor, and you have put me in the position of turning him down. I don't like that. Had you contacted me first to ask whether I would be amenable, I would have explained that the staff and I are already very familiar with the notion of civic journalism. It is apparent you are unaware of the leaders.h.i.+p role the for a discussion on civic journalism. I have the highest regard for Mr. Taylor, and you have put me in the position of turning him down. I don't like that. Had you contacted me first to ask whether I would be amenable, I would have explained that the staff and I are already very familiar with the notion of civic journalism. It is apparent you are unaware of the leaders.h.i.+p role the Day Day played in the early discussions of the concept nearly a decade ago. played in the early discussions of the concept nearly a decade ago.Please check with me before you ask someone to make a presentation at the newspaper.

MacCluggage copied the letter to Bill Taylor.

Claire got the last word: ”I have received your letter and regret that you have turned down Bill Taylor's offer,” she wrote back, insisting she had been well aware of the Day Day's previous leaders.h.i.+p role in developing civic journalism.

It seemed appropriate to invite Bill Taylor to engage all of you in moving your leaders.h.i.+p forward.You should also know that I asked Bill if he would consider such an opportunity only after discussing this issue with a number of your staff. It appears that the staff at the Day Day ... are quite enthusiastic about this opportunity, which you may wish to discuss with them in some open format. They have reported to me that they do not know why you made the decision not to invite Bill to join you for a closed discussion on this issue which is after all, Reid, every bit as important as FOI [freedom of information]. ... are quite enthusiastic about this opportunity, which you may wish to discuss with them in some open format. They have reported to me that they do not know why you made the decision not to invite Bill to join you for a closed discussion on this issue which is after all, Reid, every bit as important as FOI [freedom of information].

22.

RUBBER STAMP.

As the city's attorney, Tom Londregan saw it as his duty to do everything in his power to get the NLDC's munic.i.p.al-development plan (MDP) pa.s.sed in compliance with the law. The law, he believed, allowed for the use of eminent domain. But for him, it went deeper than simple legal a.n.a.lysis. Personally, Londregan believed the development being attempted by Pfizer and the NLDC would help New London.

The city had one more legal hurdle to clear before the city council could vote on whether to approve the NLDC's plan: a public hearing. Judging from the tone of editorials and letters in the newspaper, Londregan expected some real opposition to the plan at the hearing. The threat of eminent domain had become a flash point.

With the public hearing set for early January, Londregan huddled with the city council. In 1998, the council had pa.s.sed a resolution directing the NLDC to prepare a redevelopment plan. The NLDC's plan called for the Fort Trumbull neighborhood to be razed and redeveloped. To approve the plan, the council had to say yes to eminent domain. ”The question is,” Londregan said, ”do you want to do that?”