Part 41 (2/2)
The Protestant Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. Bulkely, was foremost in commencing the persecution. He marched, with the Mayor and a file of soldiers, to the Franciscan[470] church in Cook-street, on St. Stephen's Day, 1629, dispersed the congregation, seized the friars profaned the church, and broke the statue of St. Francis. The friars were rescued by the people, and the Archbishop had ”to take to his heels and cry out for help,” to save himself. Eventually the Franciscans established their novitiates on the Continent, but still continued their devoted ministrations to the people, at the risk of life and liberty. Their house in Cook-street was pulled down by royal order, and three other chapels and a Catholic seminary were seized and converted to the King's use. Wentworth a.s.sembled a Parliament in July, 1634, the year after his arrival in Ireland. Its subserviency was provided for by having a number of persons elected who were in the pay of the crown as military officers. The ”graces” were asked for, and the Lord Deputy declared they should be granted, if the supply was readily voted. ”Surely,” he said, ”so great a meanness cannot enter your hearts as once to suspect his Majesty's gracious regards of you, and performance with you, when you affix yourself upon his grace.” This speech so took the hearts of the people, that all were ready to grant all that might be demanded; and six subsidies of 50,000 each were voted, though Wentworth only expected 30,000. In the meanwhile neither Wentworth nor the King had the slightest idea of granting the ”graces” and the atrocious duplicity and incomparable ”meanness” of the King is placed eternally on record, in his own letter to his favourite, in which he thanks him ”for keeping off the envy [odium] of a necessary negative from me, of those unreasonable graces that people expected from me.”[471] Wentworth describes himself how two judges and Sir John Radcliffe a.s.sisted him in the plan, and how a positive refusal was made to recommend the pa.s.sing of the ”graces”
into law at the next session.
”Charles' faith” might now safely rank with Grey's; and the poor impoverished Irishman, who would willingly have given his last penny, as well as the last drop of his blood, to save his faith, was again cruelly betrayed where he most certainly might have expected that he could have confided and trusted. One of the ”graces” was to make sixty years of undisputed possession of property a bar to the claims of the crown; and certainly if there ever a country where such a demand was necessary and reasonable, it was surely Ireland. There had been so many plantations, it was hard for anything to grow; and so many settlements, it was hard for anything to be settled. Each new monarch, since the first invasion of the country by Henry II., had his favourites to provide for and his friends to oblige. The island across the sea was considered ”no man's land,” as the original inhabitants were never taken into account, and were simply ignored, unless, indeed, when they made their presence very evident by open resistance to this wholesale robbery. It was no wonder, then, that this ”grace” should be specially solicited. It was one in which the last English settler in Ulster had quite as great an interest as the oldest Celt in Connemara. The Burkes and the Geraldines had suffered almost as much from the rapacity of their own countrymen as the natives, on whom their ancestors had inflicted such cruel wrongs. No man's property was safe in Ireland, for the tenure was depending on the royal will; and the caprices of the Tudors were supplemented by the necessities of the Stuarts.
But the ”grace” was refused, although, probably, there was many a recent colonist who would have willingly given one-half of his plantation to have secured the other to his descendants. The reason of the refusal was soon apparent. As soon as Parliament was dissolved, a Commission of ”Defective t.i.tles” was issued for Connaught. Ulster had been settled, Leinster had been settled, Munster had been settled; there remained only Connaught, hitherto so inaccessible, now, with advancing knowledge of the art of war, and new means of carrying out that art, doomed to the scourge of desolation.
The process was extremely simple. The lawyers were set to work to hunt out old claims for the crown; and as Wentworth had determined to invalidate the t.i.tle to every estate in Connaught, they had abundant occupation. Roscommon was selected for a commencement. The sheriffs were directed to select jurors who would find for the crown. The jurors were made clearly to understand what was expected from them, and what the consequences would be if they were ”contumacious.” The object of the crown was, of course, the general good of the country. The people of Connaught were to be civilized and enriched; but, in order to carry out this very desirable arrangement, the present proprietors were to be replaced by new landlords, and the country was to be placed entirely at the disposal of the Sovereign.[472]
It was now discovered that the lands and lords.h.i.+ps of De Burgo, adjacent to the Castle of Athlone, and, in fact, the whole remaining province, belonged to the crown. It would be useless here to give details of the special pleading on which this statement was founded; it is an ill.u.s.tration of what I have observed before, that the tenure of the English settler was quite as uncertain as the tenure of the Celt. The jury found for the King; and as a reward, the foreman, Sir Lucas Dillon, was graciously permitted to retain a portion of his own lands. Lowther, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, got four s.h.i.+llings in the pound of the first year's rent raised under the Commission of ”Defective t.i.tles.”
The juries of Mayo and Sligo were equally complacent; but there was stern resistance made in Galway, and stern reprisals were made for the resistance. The jurors were fined 4,000 each and were imprisoned, and their estates seized until that sum was paid. The sheriff was fined 1,000, and, being unable to pay that sum, he died in prison. And all this was done with the full knowledge and the entire sanction of the ”royal martyr.”
The country was discontented, and the Lord Deputy demanded more troops, ”until the intended plantation should be settled.” He could not see why the people should object to what was so very much for their own good, and never allowed himself to think that the disturbance had anything to do with the land question. The new proprietors were of the same opinion.
Those who were or who feared to be dispossessed, and those who felt that their homes, whether humble or n.o.ble, could not be called their own, felt differently; but their opinion was as little regarded as their sufferings.
The Earl of Ormonde's property was next attacked, but he made a prudent compromise, and his party was too powerful to permit of its refusal. A Court of Wards was also established about this time, for the purpose of having all heirs to estates brought up in the Protestant religion; and a High Commission Court was inst.i.tuted, which rivalled the exactions of the Star Chamber in England.
In 1640 another appeal was made by the King for a.s.sistance, and Wentworth headed the contribution with 20,000. He had devoted himself with considerable ability to increasing the Irish revenue and the trade of the country had improved, although the Irish woollen manufacture had been completely crushed, as it threatened to interfere with English commerce. The Lord Deputy now saw the advantage of procuring a standing army in Ireland, and he proceeded to embody a force of 10,000 foot and 1,000 horse. These men were princ.i.p.ally Irish and Catholics, as he knew they would be most likely to stand by the King in an hour of trial, notwithstanding the cruel persecutions to which they had been subjected.
But the Deputy's own career was nearer its termination than he had antic.i.p.ated. When he forsook the popular side in England, Pym had remarked significantly: ”Though you have left us, I will not leave you while your head is on your shoulders.” The Puritan faction never lost sight of a quarry when once they had it in sight, and it scarcely needed Stafford's haughtiness and devotion to the King to seal his doom. The unhappy King was compelled to sign his death-warrant; and the victim was executed on the 12th of May, 1641, redeeming in some manner, by the n.o.bleness of his death, the cruelties, injustices, and duplicity of which he had been guilty during his life.
The kingdom of England was never in a more critical state than at this period. The King was such only in name, and the ruling powers were the Puritan party, who already looked to Cromwell as their head. The resistance, which had begun in opposition to tyrannical enactments, and to the arbitrary exercise of authority by the King and his High Church prelates, was fast merging into, what it soon became, an open revolt against the crown, and all religion which did not square with the very peculiar and ill-defined tenets of the rebellious party. In 1641 the Queen's confessor was sent to the Tower, and a resolution was pa.s.sed by both houses never to consent to the toleration of the Catholic wors.h.i.+p in Ireland, or in any other part of his Majesty's dominions. The country party had determined to possess themselves of the command of the army; and whatever struggles the King might make, to secure the only support of his throne, it was clear that the question was to be decided in their favour. The conduct of Holles, Pym, Hampden, and Stroud was well known even in Ireland; and in Ireland fearful apprehensions were entertained that still more cruel sufferings were preparing for that unfortunate country.
An insurrection was organized, and its main supports were some of the best and bravest of the old race, who had been driven by political and religious persecution to other lands, where their bravery had made them respected, and their honorable dealings had made them esteemed. Spain had received a considerable number of these exiles. In June, 1635, an Irish regiment in the Spanish service, commanded by Colonel Preston, had immortalized themselves by their heroic defence of Louvain. Wherever they went they were faithful to the sovereign under whom they served; and French and Spanish generals marvelled how the English nation could be so infatuated as to drive their n.o.blest and bravest officers and men into foreign service. An important official doc.u.ment still exists in the State Paper Office, which was prepared by a Government spy, and which details the names, rank, and qualifications of many of these gentlemen.
They were serving in Spain, Italy, France, Germany, Poland, and the Low Countries. Don Richard Burke--strange that the first on the list of Irish exiles should be of Anglo-Norman descent--was Governor of Leghorn, and had seen great service in Italy and in the West Indies; ”Ph.e.l.lemy O'Neill, nephew to old Tyrone,” lived with great respect in Milan. There were one hundred able to command companies, and twenty fit to be made colonels under the Archd.u.c.h.ess alone. The list of the names would fill several pages, and those, it should be remembered, were leading men.
There were, besides, to be considered, an immense number of Irish of the lower cla.s.ses, who had accompanied their chiefs abroad, and served in their regiments. The report says: ”They have long been providing of arms for any attempt against Ireland, and had in readiness five or six thousand arms laid up in Antwerp for that purpose, _bought out of the deduction of their monthly pay, as will be proved; and it is thought now they have doubled that proportion by those means_.”[473]
The reason of the increased sacrifice they made for their country, was probably the report that the moment was at hand when it might be available. The movement in Ireland was commenced by Roger O'More, a member of the ancient family of that name, who had been so unjustly expelled from their ancestral home in Leix; by Lord Maguire, who had been deprived of nearly all his ancient patrimony at Fermanagh, and his brother Roger; by Sir Phelim O'Neill of Kinnare, the elder branch of whose family had been expatriated; by Turlough O'Neill, his brother, and by several other gentlemen similarly situated. O'More was the chief promoter of the projected insurrection. He was eminently suited to become a popular leader for he was a man of great courage, fascinating address, and imbued with all the high honour of the old Celtic race. In May, 1641, Nial O'Neill arrived in Ireland with a promise of a.s.sistance from Cardinal Richelieu; and the confederates arranged that the rising should take place a few days before or after All Hallows, according to circ.u.mstances. In the meanwhile the exiled Earl of Tyrone was killed; but his successor, Colonel Owen Roe O'Neill, then serving in Flanders, entered warmly into all their plans.
The King was now obliged to disband his Irish forces, and their commanders were sent orders for that purpose. They had instructions, however, to keep the men at home and together, so that they might easily be collected again if they could be made available, as, strange to say, the so-called ”Irish rebels” were the only real hope which Charles had to rely on in his conflict with his disloyal English subjects. An understanding was soon entered into between these officers and the Irish party. They agreed to act in concert; and one of the former, Colonel Plunket, suggested the seizure of Dublin Castle. The 23rd of October was fixed on for the enterprise; but, though attempted, the attempt was frustrated by a betrayal of the plot, in consequence of an indiscretion of one of the leaders.
The rage of the Protestant party knew no limits. The Castle was put in a state of defence, troops were ordered in all directions, and proclamations were issued. In the meantime the conspirators at a distance had succeeded better, but unfortunately they were not aware of the failure in Dublin until it was too late. Sir Phelim O'Neill was at the head of 30,000 men. He issued a proclamation, stating that he intended ”no hurt to the King, or hurt of any of his subjects, English or Scotch;” but that his only object was the defence of Irish liberty.
He added that whatever hurt was done any one, should be personally repaired. This proclamation was from ”Dungannon, the 23rd of October, 1641,” and signed ”PHELIM O'NEILL.”
A few days after he produced a commission, which he pretended he had received from the King, authorizing his proceedings; but he amply atoned for this _ruse de guerre_ afterwards, by declaring openly and honorably that the doc.u.ment was forged. The Irish were treated with barbarous severity, especially by Sir Charles Coote; while they were most careful to avoid any bloodshed, except what was justifiable and unavoidable in war. Dr. Bedell, the good and gentle Protestant Bishop of Kilmore, and all his people, were protected; and he drew up a remonstrance, from the tenor of which he appears to have given some sanction to the proceedings of the northern chieftains. The ma.s.sacre of Island Magee took place about this period; and though the exact date is disputed, and the exact number of victims has been questioned, it cannot be disproved that the English and Scotch settlers at Carrickfergus sallied forth at night, and murdered a number of defenceless men, women, and children. That there was no regular or indiscriminate ma.s.sacre of Protestants by the Catholics at this period, appears to be proved beyond question by the fact, that no mention of such an outrage was made in any of the letters of the Lords Justices to the Privy Council. It is probable, however, that the Catholics did rise up in different places, to attack those by whom they had been so severely and cruelly oppressed; and although there was no concerted plan of ma.s.sacre, many victims, who may have been personally innocent, paid the penalty of the guilty. In such evidence as is still on record, ghost stories predominate; and even the Puritans seem to have believed the wildest tales of the apparition of Protestants, who demanded the immolation of the Catholics who had murdered them.
[Ill.u.s.tration: ANCIENT DRINKING VESSEL OR METHER, FROM THE COLLECTION OF THE R.I.A.]
[Ill.u.s.tration: TABLE AND CHAIR USED AT THE CONFEDERATION OF KILKENNY.]
FOOTNOTES:
[462] _Fortunes._--Smith's _History of Kerry_, vol. ii. p. 97.
[463] _Papists._--Oliver's _Collections_, quoted by Dr. Moran, p. 250.
[464] _World._--Dr. Rothe, quoted by Monsignor Moran, p. 251.
[465] _Writing_.--The original is in the Cot. Col. British Museum.
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