Part 42 (1/2)
[466] _Tully Castle_.--See heading of this chapter.
[467] _Adultery_.--MS. History, by Rev. A. Stuart, quoted in Reid's _History of the Presbyterian Church_, vol. i. p. 96.
[468] _Lectured_. The address of the Irish party to James is given in O'Sullivan Beare's _History_, p. 316, and also the King's reply, p. 323.
A collection made throughout Ireland to defray the expenses of the delegates.
[469] _Puritan_--Plowden's _History of Ireland_, vol. i. p. 338. ”By his management and contrivance, he provided the whole doctrine of Calvin to be received as the public belief of the Protestant Church of Ireland, and ratified by Chichester in the King's name.” Chichester himself was a thorough Puritan, and a disciple of Cartwright, who used to pray, ”O Lord, give us grace and power as one man to set ourselves against them”
(the bishops).
[470] _Franciscan_.--An account of the sufferings of the Franciscans will be found in _St. Francis and the Franciscans_. The Poor Clares, who are the Second Order of St. Francis, were refounded and established in Ireland, by Sir John Dillon's sister, about this time, and suffered severe persecutions. Miss Dillon, the Abbess, was brought before the Lord Deputy; but her quiet dignity made such impression on the court, that she was dismissed without molestation for the time.
[471] _From me_.--Stafford's State Letters, vol. i. p. 331.
[472] _Sovereign_.--Strafford's Letters, vol. ii. p. 241.
[473] _Means._--This curious doc.u.ment was first published in the _Nation_ of February 5th, 1859.
CHAPTER XXIX.
English Adventurers speculate on Irish Disaffection--Coote's Cruelties--Meeting of Irish n.o.blemen and Gentlemen--Discontent of the People--The Catholic Priests try to save Protestants from their fury--A National Synod to deliberate on the State of Irish Affairs--The General a.s.sembly is convened at Kilkenny--A Mint is established--A Printing-Press set up--Relations are entered into with Foreign States, and a Method of Government is organized--Differences of Opinion between the Old Irish and Anglo-Irish--A Year's Treaty is made--Arrival of Rinuccini--He lands at Kenmare--His Account of the Irish People--His Reception at Kilkenny--His Opinion of the State of Affairs--Divisions of the Confederates--Ormonde's Intrigues--The Battle of Benburb--Divisions and Discord in Camp and Senate--A Treaty signed and published by the Representatives of the English King--Rinuccini returns to Italy.
[A.D. 1642-1649.]
O'Neill now took the t.i.tle of ”Lord-General of the Catholic army in Ulster.” A proclamation was issued by the Irish Government, declaring he had received no authority from the King; and the ruling powers were often heard to say, ”that the more were in rebellion, the more lands should be forfeited to them.”[474] A company of adventurers were already formed in London on speculation, and a rich harvest was antic.i.p.ated.
Several engagements took place, in which the insurgents were on the whole successful. It was now confidently stated that a general ma.s.sacre of the Catholics was intended; and, indeed, the conduct of those engaged in putting down the rising, was very suggestive of such a purpose. In Wicklow, Sir Charles Coote put many innocent persons to the sword, without distinction of age or s.e.x. On one occasion, when he met a soldier carrying an infant on the point of his pike, he was charged with saying that ”he liked such frolics.”[475] Carte admits that his temper was rather ”sour;” but he relates incidents in his career which should make one think ”barbarous” would be the more appropriate term. The Lords Justices approved of his proceedings; and Lord Castlehaven gives a fearful account of the conduct of troops sent out by these gentlemen, who ”killed men, women, and children promiscuously; which procedure,” he says, ”not only exasperated the rebels, and _induced them to commit the like cruelties upon the English_, but frightened the n.o.bility and gentry about; who, seeing the harmless country people, without respect of age or s.e.x, thus barbarously murdered, and themselves then openly threatened as favourers of the rebellion, for paying the contributions they could not possibly refuse, resolved to stand upon their guard.”[476]
Before taking an open step, even in self-defence, the Irish n.o.blemen and gentlemen sent another address to the King; but their unfortunate messenger, Sir John Read, was captured, and cruelly racked by the party in power--their main object being to obtain something from his confessions which should implicate the King and Queen. Patrick Barnwell, an aged man, was also racked for a similar purpose. The Lords Justices now endeavoured to get several gentlemen into their possession, on pretence of holding a conference. Their design was suspected, and the intended victims escaped; but they wrote a courteous letter, stating the ground of their refusal. A meeting of the princ.i.p.al Irish n.o.blemen and gentlemen was now held on the Hill of Crofty, in Meath. Amongst those present were the Earl of Fingall, Lords Gormanstown, Slane, Louth, Dunsany, Trimbleston, and Netterville, Sir Patrick Barnwell and Sir Christopher Bellew; and of the leading country gentlemen, Barnwell, Darcy, Bath, Aylmer, Cusack, Malone, Segrave, &c. After they had been a few hours on the ground, the leaders of the insurgent party came up, and were accosted by Lord Gormanstown, who inquired why they came armed into the Pale. O'More replied that they had ”taken up arms for the freedom and liberty of their consciences, the maintenance of his Majesty's prerogative, in which they understood he was abridged, and the making the subjects of this kingdom as free as those of England.” Lord Gormanstown answered: ”Seeing these be your true ends, we will likewise join with you therein.”
On the 1st of January, 1642, Charles issued a proclamation against the Irish rebels, and wished to take the command against them in person; but his Parliament was his master, and the members were glad enough of the excuse afforded by the troubles in Ireland to increase the army, and to obtain a more direct personal control over its movements. They voted away Irish estates, and uttered loud threats of exterminating Popery; but they had a more important and interesting game in hand at home, which occupied their attention, and made them comparatively indifferent to Irish affairs.
Sir Phelim O'Neill was not succeeding in the north. He had been obliged to raise the siege of Drogheda, and the English had obtained possession of Dundalk. 1,000 was offered for his head, and 600 for the heads of some of his a.s.sociates. Ormonde and Tichburne were in command of the Government forces, but Ormonde was considered to be too lenient; and two priests, Father Higgins and Father White, were executed by Coote, the one without trial, and the other without even the forms of justice, although they were under the Earl's protection. Carte says that Father Higgins' case excited special interest, for he had saved many Protestants from the fury of the Irish, and afforded them relief and protection afterwards. Indeed, at this period, the Catholic clergy were unwearied in their efforts to protect the Protestants. They must have been actuated by the purest motives of religion, which were none the less sacred to them because they could neither be understood nor appreciated by those whose whole conduct had been so different. Father Saul, a Jesuit, sheltered Dr. Pullen, the Protestant Dean of Clonfert, and his family; Father Everard and Father English, Franciscan friars, concealed many Protestants in their chapels, and even under their altars. Many similar instances are on record in the depositions concerning the murders and ma.s.sacres of the times, at present in Trinity College, Dublin; though those depositions were taken with the avowed object of making out a case against the Catholics of having intended a general ma.s.sacre. In Galway the Jesuits were especially active in charity to their enemies, and went through the town exhorting the people, for Christ's sake, our Lady's and St. Patrick's, to shed no blood. But although the Catholic hierarchy were most anxious to prevent outrages against humanity, they were by no means insensible to the outrages against justice, from which the Irish nation had so long suffered. They were far from preaching pa.s.sive submission to tyranny, or pa.s.sive acceptance of heresy. The Church had long since not only sanctioned, but even warmly encouraged, a crusade against the infidels, and the deliverance, by force of arms, of the holy places from desecration; it had also granted[477] similar encouragements and similar indulgences to all who should fight for ”liberties and rights” in Ireland, and had ”exhorted, urged, and solicited” the people to do so with ”all possible affection.” The Irish clergy could have no doubt that the Holy See would sanction a national effort for national liberty. The Archbishop of Armagh, therefore, convened a provincial synod, which was held at Kells, on the 22nd of March, 1641, which p.r.o.nounced the war undertaken by the Catholics of Ireland lawful and pious, but denounced murders and usurpations, and took steps for a.s.sembling a national synod at Kilkenny during the following year.
The Catholic cause, meanwhile, was not advancing through the country.
The Irish were defeated in nearly every engagement with the English troops. The want of a competent leader and of unanimity of purpose was felt again, as it had so often been felt before; but the Church attempted to supply the deficiency, and, if it did not altogether succeed, it was at least a national credit to have done something in the cause of freedom.
The synod met at Kilkenny, on the 10th of May, 1642. It was attended by the Archbishops of Armagh, Cashel, and Tuam, and the Bishops of Ossory, Elphin, Waterford and Lismore, Kildare Clonfert, and Down and Connor.
Proctors attended for the Archbishop of Dublin, and for the Bishops of Limerick, Emly, and Killaloe. There were present, also, sixteen other dignitaries and heads of religious orders. They issued a manifesto explaining their conduct and, forming a Provisional Government, concluded their labours, after three days spent in careful deliberation.
Owen Roe O'Neill and Colonel Preston arrived in Ireland in July, 1642, accompanied by a hundred officers, and well supplied with arms and ammunition. Sir Phelim O'Neill went at once to meet O'Neill, and resigned the command of the army; and all promised fairly for the national cause. The Scots, who had kept up a war of their own for some time, against both the King and the Catholics, were wasting Down and Antrim; and O'Neill was likely to need all his military skill and all his political wisdom in the position in which he was placed.
Preston had landed in Wexford, and brought a still larger force; while all the brave expatriated Irishmen in foreign service, hastened home the moment there appeared a hope that they could strike a blow with some effect for the freedom of their native land.
The General a.s.sembly projected by the national synod in Kilkenny, held its first meeting on October 14, 1642,--eleven spiritual and fourteen temporal peers, with 226 commoners, representing the Catholic population of Ireland. It was, in truth, a proud and glorious day for the nation.
For once, at least, she could speak through channels chosen by her own free will; and for once there dawned a hope of legislative freedom of action for the long-enslaved people. The old house is still shown where that a.s.sembly deliberated--a Parliament all but in name. The table then used, and the chair occupied by the Speaker, are still preserved, as sad mementos of freedom's blighted cause.[478] The house used was in the market-place, The peers and commoners sat together; but a private room was allotted for the lords to consult in. Dr. Patrick Darcy, an eminent lawyer, represented the Chancellor and the judges. Mr. Nicholas Plunket was chosen as Speaker; the Rev. Thomas O'Quirk, a learned Dominican friar, was appointed Chaplain to both houses.
The a.s.sembly at once declared that they met as a provisional government, and not as a parliament. The preliminary arrangements occupied them until the 1st of November. From the 1st until the 4th, the committee was engaged in drawing up a form for the Confederate Government; on the 4th it was sanctioned by the two houses. Magna Charta, and the common and statute law of England, in all points not contrary to the Catholic religion, or inconsistent with the liberty of Ireland, were made the basis of the new Government. The administrative authority was vested in a Supreme Council, which was then chosen, and of which Lord Mountgarret was elected President.
[Ill.u.s.tration: PARLIAMENT HOUSE, KILKENNY.]