Part 16 (2/2)
of Teutonic Order, 1512-1568. | | Secularises his Duchy, 1525. | John Cicero, 1485-1499.
(2) Albert Alcibiades, Margrave of | | Culmbach, 1536-1557. | Joachim I., 1499-1535.
(3) John of Kustrin, Margrave of | | Neumark, brother of Joachim | Joachim II., 1535-1571. Becomes II., 1571. | Protestant in 1539, though he | never breaks with the Emperor.
Wittelsbach.
| (1) Bavaria. Munich.
| Albert II., 1460-1508.
| | | William I., 1508-1550.
| (2) Palatinate.
| Frederick the Victorious, | 1451-1476.
| Philip, his nephew, 1476-1508.
| | | Lewis V., 1508-1544.
| Frederick II., his brother, | 1544-1556, becomes | Protestant.
Welf.
Duke Ernest I., of Luneburg, | Duke Henry IV., of Wolfenb.u.t.tel, 1532-1541. | 1514-1568.
Wurtemberg.
| Ulrich I., 1503-1550, became | Protestant 1534.
_c._ The number of ecclesiastical states. The three great electoral archbishoprics of Treves, Mayence, Cologne--with the bishoprics of Metz on the Moselle, and Strasburg and Worms--so dominated the upper Rhine and its tributaries as to give it the name of Priest Street. The dioceses of Utrecht, Bremen, Munster, and Paderborn stretched in an almost continuous line along the north-west. To these we must add Hildesheim, Halberstadt, Magdeburg, Wurzburg, Bamberg in central Germany; and in the south, the archbishopric of Salzburg, and the bishopric of Trent. The existence of these numerous ecclesiastical princ.i.p.alities had a twofold effect. It caused a strong feeling in Germany against papal exactions, of which the bishoprics were the victims, or the agents; while the desire on the part of the Princes to extend their dominions by secularising these ecclesiastical states, had a potent influence on many an Elector and Prince, both Catholic and Protestant. In many cases, too, the bishops were the relations of the Princes, and their policy was guided by family interests or rivalries.
[45] He was Lord of 2 princ.i.p.alities, 2 duchies, 4 counties, 2 viscounties, and 7 lords.h.i.+ps. _See_ Map of France.
_Cause of the quarrel between Francis and Bourbon._--Charles, Count of Montpensier had been allowed by Louis XII. to marry Susanna, the heiress of Duke Peter of Bourbon. After the death of his wife without children, the Queen-mother, Louise of Savoy, claimed some of his possessions as niece of Duke Peter. Francis, with better right, demanded the restoration of others in fulfilment of Duke Peter's original promise, that in default of male issue he would leave all the alienable possessions of his House to the Crown.
CHAPTER IV
FROM THE TREATY OF MADRID TO THE TREATY OF CRESPI
Treaty of Madrid--League of Cognac--Sack of Rome--Medici driven from Florence--Battle of Aversa--Treaty of Barcelona--Peace of Cambray--Charles crowned Emperor--Diets of Spires and Augsburg--League of Schmalkalde--Zwingle in Switzerland--Peace of Nuremberg--Barbarossa of Algiers--Renewed war between Charles and Francis--Truce of Nice--Revolt at Ghent suppressed--The Anabaptists at Munster--Diet of Ratisbon--Campaign of 1542--Treaties of Crespi and Ardres.
-- 1. _Treaty of Madrid and League of Cognac._
| Behaviour and difficulties of Charles after the | victory of Pavia.
Charles maintained the same imperturbable composure at the news of his good fortune as he had displayed in the days when defeat seemed to stare him in the face. He forbade all public rejoicing. He attributed all to G.o.d, and protested that his only desire was for a lasting peace, so that he might turn the arms of Christendom against the Turk. But he had before a.s.serted that the only hope of peace lay in the submission of France, and he had not changed his mind. Yet how was that submission to be effected? War was at the moment out of the question. Charles had no money, and even the payment of the troops was in arrear. The Peasants' War still continued in Germany, and Ferdinand could not help. Henry VIII. might perhaps have been prevailed upon to invade France, if the Emperor would have recognised his claim to the French throne; but Charles did not wish to see England thus aggrandised, and refused all definite promises. Wolsey therefore had his way, and, in August, concluded a treaty of alliance with the Regent of France, in which Henry, in return for an annual pension, promised to demand the liberty of the King on honourable terms. Italy was forming a league of self-defence, and Clement, though still full of promises, was known to be playing double. France, although she had lost an army and her King, was still France, and was determined to resist invasion to the last penny in her purse, and the last drop of her blood. War then was not to be thought of; nor did Charles' prospects of gaining his end by treaty seem much better. His demands that Burgundy and Artois should be ceded to him, and that Bourbon should hold Provence independently of France, were indignantly rejected. To the mutilation of their territory, the French would not submit, and the French King declared that he would sooner die in captivity than buy his freedom by such dishonour. Francis, however, had not the strength of character of his rival, and presently began to pine for freedom. Hearing that it was proposed to send him a prisoner to Naples, he prevailed upon Lannoy to send him to Spain instead (June), for he hoped much from a personal interview with Charles. He did not understand the man with whom he had to deal. Nothing is more remarkable than the tenacity, often amounting to obstinacy, with which Charles clung to a decision once made. He looked upon his claims to Artois and Burgundy as just; Burgundy especially was the cradle of his race, and had been wrongly taken from his grandmother, Mary of Burgundy; it should be restored to him. In vain Francis and the French envoys pleaded for some abatement of his demands. Charles remained unmoved: he even refused to see the King of France until a serious attack of fever threatened the prisoner's life. The news that Clement and the Italians were making a league with France, that Francesco Maria Sforza of Milan, his own creature, was turning against him; the attempt of Morone, the Milanese chancellor, to corrupt the honour of his best general Pescara--an attempt which Pescara,[46] urged by feelings of loyalty or self-interest, betrayed to his master--all this had no effect on Charles. Morone was seized, Sforza was declared to have forfeited his dukedom, and was besieged, in his citadel, by the imperial troops.
Francis, having recovered from his serious illness, tried to escape; but the plan was betrayed. There was nothing for it but to abandon Burgundy; and to this course the queen-mother, Louise of Savoy, now urged him. Francis accordingly yielded; but, a.s.serting that he alone could obtain the consent of his people to the cession, offered to leave his two eldest sons as hostages, and promised to return to captivity if that consent could not be obtained. Charles was most unwilling to grant even this, and was supported by his chancellor Gattinara, who predicted the result. The condition of Italy was, however, desperate. Pescara died on December 3, urging his master almost with his last breath to make peace with France, if he would save Italy; all his other counsellors were of the same opinion.
Charles accordingly gave way, and consented to the Treaty of Madrid.
| The Treaty of Madrid. Jan. 14, 1526.
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