Part 5 (1/2)
On the 1st of August, 1851, Mr. Toombs spoke in Elberton. He was in the full tide of his manhood, an orator without equal; a statesman without fear or reproach. Personally, he was a splendid picture, full of health and vitality. He had been prosperous in his affairs. He was prominent in public life and overbore all opposition. His powers were in their prime.
In his speech to his const.i.tuents he mentioned the fact that his opponents had criticised the manner in which he traveled (alluding to his fine horses and servants). He wanted the people to know that the money was his, and that he made $5000 a year in Elbert alone. ”Who would say that he had not earned his money? He had a right to spend it as he chose. Perish such demagogy--such senseless stuff.” The people cheered him to the echo for his candor and audacity.
”What presumption,” he said, ”for the States' Rights men to nominate McDonald for Governor--a man who supported Jackson's Force bill--a man who had grown gray in federalism? He was the man brought to teach the people of Elbert States' Rights. It would be a curious subject of inquiry to find out when this neophyte had changed, and by what process the change had been wrought.”
Toombs was alluded to by the correspondents as ”Richard, the Lion-hearted,” with strong arm and ponderous battle-ax, as he went about winning victories. Stephens, no less effective and influential, seemed to be the great Saladin with well-tempered Damascus blade--so skillful as to sever the finest down. The people were in continued uproar as Toombs moved from place to place.
In Jefferson County, Mr. Toombs denied that the South had yielded any demand she ever made, or had sacrificed any principle she ever held. He cried that ”opposition to Toombs and Stephens seemed to be the principle of political faith on the other side.” Toombs declared that Stephens ”carried more brains and more soul for the least flesh of any man G.o.d Almighty ever made.”
Mr. Toombs repeated that if the slaveholders had lost the right to carry slavery into California, they had lost it upon sound principle. The right of each State to prescribe its own inst.i.tutions is a right above slavery. Slavery is only an incident to this right. This principle lies at the foundation of all good government. He had always held it and would always hold it:
Till wrapped in flames the realms of ether glow, And Heaven's last thunder shakes the world below.
He deeply sympathized with those Southern Rights men who denounced the Union they professed to love.
Speaking of the sudden change of some of his opponents in political principles, Toombs declared they ”would profess any opinion to gain votes. It had been the belief of Crawford that if a man changed politics after thirty he was a rascal.”
In Marietta Mr. Toombs addressed an enthusiastic crowd. A journalist said of him: ”He is my _beau ideal_ of a statesman. Frank, honest, bold, and eloquent, he never fails to make a deep impression. Many of the fire-eaters (for they _will_ go to hear him) looked as if they would make their escape from his withering and scathing rebuke.” Toombs derided the States' Rights men for declaring that they were friends of the Union under which they declared they were ”degraded and oppressed.”
The greatest stumbling-block to Toombs' triumphant tour was to be presented with bits of his own speeches delivered during the excitement of the last Congress.
He had said in one of these impa.s.sioned outbursts: ”He who counts the danger of defending his own home is already degraded. The people who count the cost of maintaining their political rights are ready for slavery.”
In Lexington he was accused of having said that if the people understood this slavery question as well as he did ”they would not remain in the Union five minutes.” This provoked a bitter controversy. Mr. Toombs denied the remark, and declared he was willing to respond personally and publicly to the author.
As the campaign became more heated, Toombs, Stephens, and Cobb redoubled their efforts and drew their lines more closely. This combination was invincible. It was evident that they would carry the State, but some of the prominent men in Georgia were ruled out under what was thought to be the bitter spirit of the canva.s.s. One of these was Charles J. Jenkins, and the other, John McPherson Berrien. The former had drawn the celebrated Georgia Platform, and was devoted to the Union. The latter was United States Senator from Georgia, and, as his successor was to be chosen by the legislature soon to be elected, there was much curiosity to find out his real position in this canva.s.s. Mr. Jenkins declared that he considered Mr. Berrien ”as good a Union man and as safe a representative of the party as any within its ranks.” Berrien acquiesced in but did not eulogize the compromise measures. He did not oppose or favor the State convention of 1850. When he submitted to the Senate the Georgia Platform, he declared that he did not surrender the privileges of a free choice. He supported McDonald for Governor against Cobb, and it was soon evident that he was not in full sympathy with the winning party.
The Const.i.tutional Union men won a signal victory. Howell Cobb was elected Governor by a large majority over Charles J. McDonald, who had been twice Governor and who was one of the strongest men in Georgia.
Robert Toombs was reelected to Congress over Robert McMillen of Elbert, and Mr. Stephens defeated D. W. Lewis of Hanc.o.c.k.
The legislature convened in November, 1851. It was largely made up of Union men. Judge Berrien was not a candidate for reelection to the United States Senate. He wrote a letter in which he reviewed his course during the campaign. He said:
”I a.s.serted in terms which even cavilers could not misunderstand nor any honest man doubt, my devotion to the Union, my unfaltering determination to maintain by all const.i.tutional means, and with undiminished zeal, the equal rights of the South, and my acquiescence in the compromise measures. Satisfied that such declarations, in the excited state of feeling, would not meet the exactions of either party in a contest peculiarly bitter, and unable to sacrifice for the purpose of victory the dictates of conscience or the convictions of judgment, I expressed a willingness to retire.”
On the 10th of November Robert Toombs was elected United States Senator.
In the caucus he secured 73 votes, and in the open a.s.sembly next day he received 120 votes, scattering, 50.
Never was reward more swift or signal to the master-mind of a campaign.
If he had been the leader of the extreme Southern wing in Congress, he had shown his willingness to accept a compromise and go before the people in defense of the Union.
He was charged with having aroused the Secession storm. If he had unwittingly done so in Congress in order to carry his point, he proved himself powerful in stopping it at home. What some of his critics had said of him was true: ”The rashest of talkers, he was the safest of counselors.” Certain it is that at a moment of national peril he repelled the charge of being an ”irreconcilable,” and proved to be one of the stanchest supporters of the Union.
In Milledgeville, during the turmoil attending the election of United States Senator in November, 1851 Mr. Toombs wrote to his wife as follows:
Since I wrote you last I have been in the midst of an exciting political contest with constantly varying aspects.
The friends of Judge Berrien are moving every possible spring to compa.s.s my defeat, but as yet I have constantly held the advantage over them. They started Mr. Jenkins and kept him up, under considerable excitement, until he came to town yesterday and instantly withdrew his name. To-day they have started a new batch of candidates: Judge Hill, Hines Holt, Warren, Charlton, and others, all of whom they seek to combine. I think I can beat the whole combination, though it is too close to be comfortable. It is impossible to give an idea of every varying scene, but as I have staked my political fortunes on success, if I am defeated in this conflict my political race is over, and perhaps I feel too little interest in the result for success.
Dawson is at home sick; Stephens is not here; so I am standing very much on my own hand, breasting the conflict alone. So I shall have the consolation of knowing that, if I succeed, the victory will be all my own. The contest will be decided by Monday next, and perhaps sooner.... As soon as it is over I shall leave here and shall be at home at furthest to-day week. If I were not complicated in this business, nothing would induce me to go into it. There are so many unpleasant things connected with it, which will at least serve as lessons for the future, whatever may be the result. You can see from this letter how deeply I am immersed in this contest, yet I am getting so impatient to come home that even defeat would be better than this eternal annoyance.