Part 35 (2/2)
Baji-c.u.m-Saho, the Mahratta, however, almost ere he recovered from his alarm at the Persian hordes, had died, leaving his son, Bala-ji, as Peishwa in his stead; leaving him also some very pretty quarrels to settle. One with the semi-pirates of Angria, which, involving the Portuguese, ended in the latter being ousted from India in 1739 by the Mahrattas, who, however, admitted to the loss of five thousand men in the siege of Ba.s.sein alone.
But Bala-ji was a strong man, fully equal to the position in which he found himself; and after driving his most formidable private enemy and claimant to the Prime Ministers.h.i.+p, Raghu-ji, back to his task of besieging Trichinopoly, he turned his attention to aggression. He began by renewing the long-deferred claim on the court at Delhi, and was granted it, on condition that he aided the Governor Ali-Verdi-Khan to repulse the invasion of Raghu-ji; who, having succeeded in his siege, had made an independent raid into Bengal. This opportunity of killing two birds with one stone was naturally welcome to Bala-ji, who drove out the intruders without difficulty, and received his reward.
But, so far as Bengal was concerned, it was merely a postponement of an evil day, for Raghu-ji returned to his prey, and finally obtained the cession of a large part of Orissa, and a tribute from Bengal itself.
Thus in 1748 the only ascending power was that of the Mahrattas. On all other sides France and England were spectators of a general scramble for territory, a general a.s.sertion of independence on the part of petty chiefs.
And the question naturally came swiftly--”Why should we remain inactive? Why should we not extend our sphere of influence by giving, perhaps even _selling_, our aid?”
The question had already been answered by France. Dupleix had dipped deep into Indian politics, and, by so doing, had undoubtedly strengthened the position of the French. The temptation to follow suit was almost overwhelming, and so in 1749 England drew the sword which was impatiently resting in its scabbard, and became a mercenary in the pay of one Sahu-ji who claimed the Rajahs.h.i.+p of Tanjore. The ostensible bribe offered was an unimportant fort of Devi-kottah, and a slip of country along the coast. The real cause of the coalition being the fact that the large English army, brought eastward during the late war, was eating its head off in idleness.
The whole affair of the Tanjore succession was absolutely trivial, yet almost too complicated for abbreviated detail. It is sufficient to say that one Pratap Singh had reigned for years, that England had recognised him, negotiated with him, and courted his a.s.sistance against the French.
Policy, however, changes with the times, and it was now thought advisable, without any further provocation, to a.s.sist in dethroning him! No doubt there were excellent reasons for this _volte face_, only at the present they are not in evidence.
This first venture on mercenary lines was not a brilliant pa.s.sage in the history of British arms. In truth, England in the East did not at that time possess any man fit to carry on similar work to that which Dupleix was doing for France; for Lieutenant Clive, though he had given proof of high courage during the pantomimic siege of Pondicherry, had not yet raised his head above those of his compeers.
Indeed, but for a chance he might never have so raised it, since at the taking of Devi-kottah he narrowly escaped death; being one of the four survivors in a rash attempt to cross the river Kolarun on a raft.
So this Tanjore campaign, which began in a tempest[4] that killed all the baggage-animals and severely crippled the whole force, ended ignominiously in another _volte face_. For, finding their _protege_, Sahu-ji, had no local support for his claim, the English forces, on condition of his receiving a pension of four thousand rupees, re-transferred their friends.h.i.+p to the original King Pratap, who, however, was made to ratify the bribes promised by the pretender, and also to pay the cost of the war! The latter being certainly a seething of the kid in its mother's milk.
[Footnote 4: It was in this storm that the admiral's s.h.i.+p, _Namur_, went down, with seven hundred and fifty men.]
Meanwhile, France had been busy with more important matters.
To understand what was happening, it is necessary to go back to old Asaf-Jah, who had begun his career under Aurungzebe, and who only died in 1748 at the extraordinary age of one hundred and four.
A cunning old fox, brave to the death after the manner of foxes when in a tight place, he had, under the t.i.tle of Nizam-ul-mulk--a t.i.tle still held by the rulers of the Dekkan--kept his grip on that country in almost absolute independence of Delhi.
Now, at his death, innumerable points cropped up for settlement. The Carnatic was a fief of the Dekkan, and in the Carnatic were two semi-independent kingdoms, Tanjore and Trichinopoly. The successions of all these were disputed, especially that of the Carnatic, which was held by that very Nawab of Arcot who had bandied about his allegiance between the French and English. A most immoral proceeding, no doubt, but at a time when civilised and Christian men were palpably only playing for their own hand, it is not to be wondered at if less cultivated, more pagan peoples followed suit. There seems, anyhow, no reason--except the advantage to be gained from having a real _creature_--why Dupleix should have thrown him over and supported the claims of Chanda-Sahib. But he did; chiefly because Chanda-Sahib, the only member of a former ruler's family who had sufficient talent for the rise in fortune, had been brought up in the refuge of Pondicherry, and promised important concessions should he succeed. This decision on the part of Dupleix put the English in a quandary. They could not sit still and see France succeed, and yet the chances of success on the other side were small. So they temporised by sending one hundred and twenty Europeans to help Trichinopoly, by which, of course, they committed themselves as much as if they had sent twelve hundred.
They themselves, however, did not seem to think so, for in spite of this absolute challenge to France they refused the English admiral's offer to remain in Eastern waters. So suicidal did this appear to Dupleix that for some time he treated the departure as a mere feint.
So both parties settled down with their ”legitimate heir,” neither caring one straw for the justice of the claim, since both were equally bad.
Whatever else may be said, this much is certain, that the _protege_ of the French was a better puppet than the _protege_ of the English.
Furthermore, he drew into the French net no less a person than Muzaffar-Jung, a grandson of old Asaf-Jah, who was a claimant for the Dekkan. Truly, therefore, with a Nizam of the Dekkan, and a Nawab of the Carnatic, both owing their thrones to French interference, Dupleix had a right to expect much for his country.
Their interference, also, was successful. There was a pitched battle close to Arcot, at which the Nawab was killed (at the most unusual age of one hundred and seven), and only one of his sons escaped with the wreck of his army to Trichinopoly.
Dupleix, it is said, urged the allies to press on after him, but the Oriental mind, as a rule, is satisfied with the present. Chanda-Sahib and Muzaffar-Jung amused themselves with playing the parts of Nizam and Nawab to their hearts' content, and spending themselves and their resources in luxurious pleasures, until the rightful claimant of the former _role_ appeared on the horizon with an army composed largely of mercenary Mahrattas. A big army, a good army; Dupleix saw victory in it, and he instantly began with his usual unscrupulous diplomacy to attempt negotiations.
In this, however, for once, the English were beforehand with him. They had, as we know, moved by vague fear of the growing French ascendency, sent a few men to support Trichinopoly against possible attacks from Chanda-Sahib-c.u.m-Muzaffar-Jung, and now, taking heart of grace, Major Lawrence and four hundred troops joined the camp of the rightful Nizam.
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