Part 21 (1/2)

And do not they use the English words _drawback_ and _budget_?

We ilish democracy!

Do not they parody Bentinck and the British aristocracy?

We borrow from perfidious Albion the doctrine of liberty

Do not they borrow from her the sophisms of protection?

We follow the commercial impulse of Bordeaux and the South

Do not they serve the greed of Lille, and the ns of the ministry, which desires to turn public attention away from the protective policy

Do not they favor the views of the Custoain inore this war of epithets, we should not be without weapons

But that is not the point in issue

The question which I shall not lose sight of is this:

_Which is better for the working-classes, to be free or not to be free to purchase from abroad?_

Workmen, they say to you, ”If you are free to buy fros which you now er es, and without bread It is then for your own good that your liberty be restricted”

This objection recurs in all forlish cloth, if we lish iron, if we cut our bread with English knives, if ipe our hands with English napkins, ill become of the French workmen--ill become of the _national labor_?”

Tell ne, and said to every Englishlish boots, I will give you this French hat; or, if you will let lish horse, I will let you have this French carriage; or, Are you willing to exchange this Birain, Does it suit you to barter your Newcastle coal for this Cha this ment, it can be said that our _national labor_, taken as a whole, would be harmed by it?

Would it beto exchange services at Boulogne instead of one; if a million barters were made instead of four; and if the intervention of merchants and money was called on to facilitate them and multiply them indefinitely?

Now, let one country buy of another at wholesale to sell again at retail, or at retail to sell again at wholesale, it will always be found, if the matter is followed out to the end, that _commerce consists of mutual barter of products for products, of services for services_

If, then, _one barter_ does not injure the _national labor_, since it in labor received_, a hundred million of them cannot hurt the country

But, you will say, where is the advantage? The advantage consists ina better use of the resources of each country, so that the sa everywhere

There are soin by ad the superiority of freedom over the prohibitive system, doubtless in order that they round

Next they re from one system to another there will be some _displaces which, according to theerate and amplify them; they make of them the principal subject of discussion; they present them as the exclusive and definite result of reform, and thus try to enlist you under the standard of monopoly

These tactics have been employed in the service of all abuses, and I , that it always embarrasses even the friends of those reforms which are most useful to the people You will understand why

When an abuse exists, everything arranges itself upon it

Human existences connect themselves with it, others with these, then still others, and this forainst it? Each one protests; and notice this particularly, those persons who protest always seeht, because it is easier to show the disorder which must accompany the reform than the order which will follow it