Part 7 (1/2)

This is of course the view of a Jacksonian leader, but it is none the less full of keen analysis and comprehension of Mr Webster, and in some respects embodies very well the conditions of the situation Mr Benton naturally did not see that an alliance with Jackson was utterly impossible for Mr Webster, whose proper course was therefore much less simple than it appeared to the Senator froround possible between Webster and Jackson except defence of the national integrity Mr Webster was a great orator, a splendid advocate, a trained statesman and economist, a renity, not headstrong in temper and without peculiar force of will Jackson, on the other hand, was a rude soldier, unlettered, intractable, arbitrary, with a violent temper and a most despotic will Two men more utterly inco could have been more wildly fantastic than to suppose an alliance between theine that Mr Webster could ever have done anything but oppose utterly those overnment which the President called his ”policy”

Yet at the sae of the tariff bill Mr Webster was at a great crisis in his life He could not act with Jackson That as shut to hi else

But he could havedefender of nationality and as the foe of coht Mr Clay to his side, and re party The coalition between Clay and Calhoun was a hollow, ill-oo violently to pieces, as, in fact, it did, within a few years, and then Mr Clay, if he had held out so long, would have been helpless without Mr Webster But such a course required a very strong will and great tenacity of purpose, and it was on this side that Mr

Webster eak, as Mr Benton points out Instead of waiting for Mr Clay to come to him, Mr Webster went over to Clay and Calhoun, and formed for a time the third in that ill-assorted partnershi+p There was no reason for his doing so In fact every good reason was against it Mr Clay had come to Mr Webster with his compromise, and had been reat principles to faction; and that the tith of the Constitution and the government” This was a brave, htway deserted his friend and ally, and gone over to the separatists for support

Then a sharp contest had occurred between Mr Webster and Mr Clay in the debate on the tariff; and when it was all over, the latter wrote with frank vanity and a slight tinge of contempt: ”Mr Webster and I came in conflict, and I have the satisfaction to tell you that he gained nothing

My friends flattercompletely triuins already to repent his course” Mr Clay was intensely national, but his theory of preserving the Union was by continual coressive South Mr Webster's plan was to maintain a firm attitude, enforce absolute subitation against the Union could lead only to defeat This policy would not have resulted in rebellion, but, if it had, the hanging of Calhoun and a few like hiovernment of South Carolina, by the hero of New Orleans, would have taught slave-holders such a lesson that we should probably have been spared four years of civil war Peaceful submission, however, would have been the sure outcome of Mr Webster's policy But a compromise appealed as it always does to the timid, balance-of-power party Mr Clay prevailed, and thethat he had secured for them the benefit of time and of the chapter of accidents, rapidly came over to his support The pressure was too ht that if Mr Webster ”had to go over the work of the last feeeks he would have been for the coreat majority” Whether Mr Webster repented his opposition to the coland, the general assent of the Whig party, and the dazzling temptations of presidential candidacy prevailed with him He fell in behind Mr Clay, and remained there in a party sense and as a party man for the rest of his life

The terrible prize of the presidency was indeed again before his eyes Mr

Clay's overthrow at the previous election had re at least, from the list of candidates, and thus freed Mr Webster froerous rival In the suh the Western States, and was received everywhere with enthusiasreat expounder and defender of the Constitution The follointer he stood forward as the pree seemed to point to hiislature of Massachusetts nominated him for the presidency, and he himself deeply desired the office, for the fever now burned strongly within hi The anti-masonic schism still distracted the opposition The Kentucky leaders were jealous of Mr Webster, and thought hireatness and his high traits of character, but they thought his ambition mixed with too much self-love Governor Letcher wrote to Mr Crittenden in 1836 that Clay was more elevated, disinterested and patriotic than Webster, and that the verdict of the country had had a good effect on the latter Despite the interest and enthusiasm which Mr Webster aroused in the West, he had no real hold upon that section or upon the s turned to Harrison There was no hope in 1836 for Mr

Webster, or, for that matter, for his party either He received the electoral vote of faithful Massachusetts, and that was all As it was then, so it had been at the previous election, and so it was to continue to be at the end of every presidential term There never was a mo to the presidency Unfortunately he never could realize this He would have beenbait hung always before his eyes The prize see within his reach, and was really never near it But the longing had entered his soul He could not rid himself of the idea of this final culs and actions, injured his career, and embittered his last years

This notice of the presidential election of 1836 has somewhat anticipated the course of events Soon after the tariff compromise had been effected, Mr Webster renewed his relations with Mr Clay, and, consequently, with Mr Calhoun, and their redoutable antagonist in the President's chair soon gave theh to do The most immediate obstacle to Mr Webster's alliance with General Jackson was the latter's attitude in regard to the bank Mr Webster had become satisfied that the bank was, on the whole, a useful and even necessary institution No one was better fitted than he to decide on such a question, and few persons would now be found to differ froeneral way he ard to the expediency and constitutionality of a national bank There were inti of 1833 that the President, not content with preventing the re-charter of the bank, was planning to strike it down, and practically deprive it of even the three years of life which still re the su his Secretary of the Treasury until he got one ould obey, President Jackson dealt his great blow On Septe the deposits of the government from the Bank of the United States The result was an ireat confusion

The President had thron the gage, and the leaders of the opposition were not slow to take it up Mr Clay opened the battle by introducing two resolutions,--one conde the action of the President as unconstitutional, the other attacking the policy of re and bitter debate ensued A month later, Mr Webster caainst the course of the President He presented the resolutions in a powerful and effective speech, depicting the deplorable condition of business, and the injury caused to the country by the re the currency to the control of the President, or of doing away entirely with paper, and advocated the re-charter of the present bank, or the creation of a new one; and, until the time for that should arrive, the return of the deposits, with its consequent relief to business and a restoration of stability and of confidence for the ti at least He soon found that the administration had determined that no law should be passed, and that the doctrine that Congress had no power to establish a bank should be upheld

He also discovered that the constitutional pundit in the White House, as so opposed to a single national bank, had created, by his own fiat, a large nuuise of state banks, to which the public deposits were committed, and the collection of the public revenues intrusted Such an arbitrary policy, at once so ignorant, illogical, and dangerous, aroused Mr Webster thoroughly, and he entered iainst the President Between the presentation of the Boston resolutions and the close of the session he spoke on the bank, and the subjects necessarily connected with it, no less than sixty-four times He dealt entirely with financial topics,--chiefly those relating to the currency, and with the constitutional questions raised by the extension of the executive authority This long series of speeches is one of the most remarkable exhibitions of intellectual power ever made by Mr Webster, or indeed by any publicone subject in all its bearings, involving of necessity a certain amount of repetition, he not only displayed an extraordinary grasp of coe of their scientificfertility in argureat variety and clearness of state With the exception of Hamilton, Mr Webster is the only statesman in our history as capable of such a perfore had to be united with all the resources of debate and all the arts of the highest eloquence

The most important speech of all was that delivered in answer to Jackson's ”Protest,” sent in as a reply to Mr Clay's resolutions which had been sustained by Mr Webster as chairman of the Committee on Finance The ”Protest” asserted, in brief, that the Legislature could not order a subordinate officer to perform certain duties free froht to put his own conception of the law into execution; and, if the subordinate officer refused to obey, then to reht to censure his removal of the Secretary of the Treasury, in order to reach the governreat elaboration and ability The question was a very nice one There could be no doubt of the President's power of removal, and it was necessary to show that this power did not extend to the point of depriving Congress of the right to confer by law specified and independent powers upon an inferior officer, or of regulating the tenure of office To establish this proposition, in such a way as to take it out of the thick and heated atmosphere of personal controversy, and put it in a shape to carry conviction to the popular understanding, was a delicate and difficult task, requiring, in the highest degree, lucidity and ingenuity of arguh praise to say that Mr Webster succeeded entirely The real contest was for the possession of that debatable ground which lies between the defined lile consolidated and gave coherence to the Whig party as representing the opposition to executive encroachments At the time Jackson, by his imperious will and marvellous personal popularity, prevailed and obtained the acceptance of his doctrines But the conflict has gone on, and the balance of advantage now rests with the Legislature This tendency is quite as dangerous as that of which Jackson was the exponent, if not more so The executive departress, and especially of the Senate, have becoreater than they should be, under the system of proportion and balance embodied in the Constitution Despite Jackson's victory there is, to-day, far er of undue encroachments on the part of the Senate than on that of the President

At the next session the principal subject of discussion was the trouble with France Irritated at the neglect of the French government to provide funds for the paye severely criticising the reprisals on French property The President and his ier for war, Calhoun and his faction regarded the whole question as only matter for ”an action of assumpsit,” while Mr Webster and Mr Clay desired to avoid hostilities, but wished the country to nified attitude Under the lead of Mr Clay, the recommendation of reprisals was rejected, and under that of Mr Webster a clause sive the President three millions to spend as he liked was struck out and the bill was subsequently lost This affair, which brought us to the verge of ith France, soon blew over, however, and caused only a teh Mr Webster's attack on the Fortification Bill left a sting behind

In this same session Mr Webster made an exhaustive speech on the question of executive patronage and the President's power of appointment and removal He noent much farther than in his answer to the ”Protest,”

asserting not only the right of Congress to fix the tenure of office, but also that the power of removal, like the power of appointment, was in the President and Senate jointly The speech contained much that was valuable, but in its main doctrine was radically unsound The construction of 1789, which decided that the power of reht, and Mr Webster failed to overthrow it His theory, embodied in a bill which provided that the President should state to the Senate, when he appointed to a vacancy caused by rehly erous than Jackson's doctrine, for it tended to take the power of patronage still le and responsible person and vest it in a large and therefore wholly irresponsible body which has always been too archy, and thus degrade its high and iued his proposition with his usual force and perspicuity, but the speech is strongly partisan and exhibits the disposition of an advocate to fit the Constitution to his particular case, instead of dealing with it on general and fundamental principles

The session closed with a resolution offered by Mr Benton to expunge the resolutions of censure upon the President, which was overwhelly defeated, and was then laid upon the table, on the motion of Mr Webster

He also took the first step to prevent the i out of the President's course toward the bank, by carrying a bill to stop the payment of treasury warrants by the deposit banks in current banknotes, and to coold and silver The rejection of Benton's resolutions served to embitter the already intense conflict between the President and his antagonists, and Mr Webster's bill, while it showed the wisdom of the opposition, was powerless to remedy the mischief which was afoot

In this same year (1835) the independence of Texas was achieved, and in the session of 1835-36 the slavery agitation began its march, which was only to ter arard to this great question, which was destined to have such an effect upon his career, can be more fitly narrated e coard to slavery in connection with the ”7th of March” speech The other matters of this session demand but a brief notice The President anie upon the loss of the Fortification Bill, due to the defeat of the three million clause Mr Webster defended himself most conclusively and effectively, and before the session closed the difficulties with France were practically settled He also gave great attention to the ever-pressing financial question, trying to ate the evils which the rapid accu to produce He felt that he was powerless, that nothing indeed could be done to avert the approaching disaster; but he struggled to ress

Co the summer The famous ”Specie Circular,” issued by the Secretary of the Treasury without authority of laeakened all banks which did not hold the government deposits, forced theerave condition of affairs confronted Congress when it assembled in December, 1836 A resolution was introduced to rescind the Specie Circular, and Mr Webster spoke at length in the debate, defining the constitutional duties of the govern in a es and the excessive circulation of bank notes On another occasion he reiterated his belief that a national bank was the true re ills, but that only hard experience could convince the country of its necessity

At this session the resolution to expunge the vote of censure of 1833 was again brought forward by Mr Benton The Senate had at last come under the sway of the President, and it was clear that the resolution would pass

This precious sche Oliver Cro Robert Blake's body on a dung-hill by Charles Stuart and his friends It was not such a mean and cowardly performance as that of the heroes of the Restoration, but it was far more ”childish-foolish” The usted Mr Webster beyond measure Before the vote was taken he nified and severe protest against a silly outrage upon the Constitution and upon the rights of senators, which he was totally unable to prevent The original censure is part of history No ”black lines” can take it out The expunging resolution, which Mr Curtis justly calls ”fantastic and theatrical,” is also part of history, and carries with it the ineffaceable stignant protest

Before the close of the session Mr Webster n his seat in the Senate He had private interests which demanded his attention, and he wished to travel both in the United States and in Europe Heto his faer in the Senate But besides the natural craving for rest, it is quite possible that he believed that a withdrawal from active and official participation in politics was the best preparation for a successful candidacy for the presidency in 1840 This certainly was in hisyear (1838), when the ru retirehly probable that the sa one in 1837 But whatever the cause of his wish to resign, the opposition of his friends everywhere, and of the Legislature of Massachusetts, foro his purpose He consented to hold his seat for the present, at least, and in the suh the West, where he was received as before with the greatest admiration and enthusias party in 1836, and the extraordinary popularity of Jackson, resulted in the complete victory of Mr Van Buren But the General's chosen successor and political heir found the great office to which he had been called, and which he so eagerly desired, anything but a bed of roses The ruin which Jackson's wild policy had prepared was close at hand, and three uration the storm burst with full fury The banks suspended specie payhout the country Our business interests were in the violent throes of the worst financial panic which had ever been known in the United States The history of Mr Van Buren's adle with a hopeless network of difficulties, and with the rew out of this wide-spread disaster It is not necessary here to enter into the details of these events Mr Webster devoted hiate the evils which he had prophesied, and to prevent their aggravation by further injudicious legislation His ainst the first sub-treasury bill and Mr Calhoun's amendment Mr Calhoun, who had wept over the defeat of the bank bill in 1815, was now convinced that all banks were mistakes, and wished to prevent the acceptance of the notes of specie paying banks for government dues Mr Webster's speech was the fullest and most elaborate he ever made on the subject of the currency, and the relations of the governovernulate and control the currency, and his u in fact nothing to be desired

In the spring of 1839 there was talk of sending Mr Webster to London as commissioner to settle the boundary disputes, but it caland in his private capacity accompanied by his faht rest and change as well as pleasure, and was full of interest Mr

Webster was very well received, much attention was paid him, and much admiration shown for him He commanded all this, not only by his appearance, his reputation, and his intellectual force, but still enuinely A, and manner

He reached New York on his return at the end of December, and was there s In the previous year it had seemed as if, with Clay out of the way by the defeat of 1832, and Harrison by that of 1836, the great prize ht forward by the Whigs of Massachusetts, but it land It was the old story; Mr Clay and his friends were cool, and the masses of the party did not desire Mr Webster

The convention turned froain nominated the old Western soldier

Mr Webster did not hesitate as to the course he should pursue upon his return He had been reelected to the Senate in January, 1839, and after the session closed in July, 1840, he threw hin in support of Harrison The people did not desire Mr Webster to be their President, but there was no one whoed from all parts of the country with invitations to speak, and he answered generously to the call thus ton, in March, 1837, more than three years before, he had reatest purely political speech which he ever delivered He then reviewed and arraigned with the greatest severity the history of Jackson's ad in his characteristic way fro, as no one else could shohat had been done, and the results of the policy, which were developing as he had predicted He also said that the worst was yet to come The speech produced a profound i it when the worst really careat panic broke over the country Mr Webster had, in fact, struck the key-note of the con in the Niblo-Garden speech of 1837 In the summer of 1840 he spoke in Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, and was alreat feat of 1833-34, when he made sixty-four speeches in the Senate on the bank question, was now repeated under much more difficult conditions In the first instance he was addressing a small and select body of trained listeners, all ed to present these same topics, with all their infinite detail and inherent dryness, to vast popular audiences, but nevertheless he achieved a ht out were the condition of the currency, the need of governulation, the responsibility of the Democrats, the miserable condition of the country, and the exact fulfillument and the conclusion were alike irresistible, but Mr Webster showed, in handling his subject, not only the variety, richness, and force which he had displayed in the Senate, but the capacity of presenting it in a way thoroughly adapted to the popularthe ieneration into mere stureatest possible effect They were heard by thousands and read by tens of thousands They fell, of course, upon willing ears The people, s under bankruptcy, poverty, and business depression, ild for a change; but nothing did so ainst the policy of the ruling party as these speeches of Mr

Webster, which gave character and form to the whole movement Jackson had sown the wind, and his unlucky successor was engaged in the agreeable task of reaping the proverbial crop There was a political revolution The Whigs swept the country by an ireat Deovernment of Andrew Jackson found at last its fit reward General Harrison, as soon as he was elected, turned to the two great chiefs of his party to invite them to become the pillars of his administration Mr Clay declined any cabinet office, but Mr Webster, after some hesitation, accepted the secretaryshi+p of state He resigned his seat in the Senate February 22, 1841, and on March 4 following took his place in the cabinet, and entered upon a new field of public service