Part 12 (1/2)

As regards the Ereatest diversity and the fullest liberty of self-governards property, to ards political authority, toit on the broadest possible basis of popular responsibility

As regards religion, to remove it from the odiuards trade, toour own ards the liberty of the individual citizen, to make it a reality instead of a sha standard of humane conditions both in the factory and the home

We have now to review briefly the discussions which went on during these years in {283} respect to the political relations of the different states of the E, two schools or tendencies existed One favoured the retention of the powers of self-govern up of still further duties, while at the sa at full co-operation and harmony inthat the tendency towards self-governone too far and would if continued lead to the disruption of the E up soislative and executive control over the whole Empire, within limitations more or less wide One stood for a free alliance and co-operation, the other for organic or federal union and centralization These two theories of empire did not, in Canada, become party creeds; but, on the whole, Liberals were sympathetic with free alliance, while centralization drew most of its support from Conservative ranks On some issues, however, there was an approach to unanimity, and on others the division cut across party lines

In doovernment was almost entirely won Some survivals of the {284} old colonial subordination remained in the formal inability of Canadians to amend their own constitution and in the appeal from the decisions of Canadian courts to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council--limitations which had been wholly or mainly removed in the case of the newer Co-contested control over copyright was finally conceded, and the Hutton and Dundonald incidents led to the clearer recognition that if imperial officers entered the military service of the Dodom, under the control of the responsible civil ministers The provision that the commander of the militia must be a British officer was dropped in the revision of the Militia Act in 1904 In the words of Mr, now Sir Robert, Borden in 1902, words which becaly true as years went by; 'Step by step the colonies have advanced towards the position of virtual independence so far as their internal affairs are concerned, and in all the important instances the claim has been made by Canada, has been resisted at first by the imperial statese both to the Mother Country and to the colonies'

{285}

In foreign affairs self-governreater opposition, but still steadily and surely Its co was more imperceptible; in fact, many Canadians continued to believe that they had no voice in the control of foreign policy, andup some central authority in which they would have representation, or else for declining to take any part in imperial wars because they had not and could not have a real voice in imperial policy

This belief ell founded, so far as concerned part of the field of foreign affairs, but it failed to recognize the striking advance made in other areas We were like M Jourdain of Moliere's co prose all his life without knowing it We had been carrying on a steadily increasing part of our foreign affairs without consciously labelling theely coration and transportation, of fishery or power or navigation rights And it is largely with contiguous countries that the most important questions arise Now, as has been seen from the review of relations with {286} the United States and other foreign countries in an earlier chapter, Canada had come to have all but co Australia's example, Canada established a departeotiations, so far as theythis overnments have found it necessary to have a department whose only business will be to deal with relations with foreign countries We have now reached a standard as a nation which necessitates the establishment of a Department of External Affairs'

On Sir Robert Borden's accession to power one of his first steps was to increase the i it athe portfolio to the office of the prime minister For other purposes special envoys were sent, as when Mr Fielding negotiated trade relations in France and in the United States, or Mr Leovernration issue In these cases the British ambassador was nominally associated with the Canadian envoy Even this for in the case of the conventions effected with France, Gerotiation with their consuls in Ottawa Finally, in the Waterways Treaty with the United States, the international status of Canada was for the first tinized in the provision that the decision to sub boundary waters should be made on the one hand by the President and Senate of the United States, and on the other by the Governor-General in Council, the Cabinet of the Dominion

At the close of this period, then, every phase of our foreign relations so far as they concerned the United States, and an increasingly large share of our foreign relations with other powers, were under Canadian control It re peace and war In other words, it ith Britain's neighbours, rather than with Canada's neighbours, that any serious as most likely to come Diplomatic policy and the momentous issue of peace or war in Europe or Asia were determined by the British Cabinet

In this field alone equality was as yet to seek The {288} consistent upholder of Dominion autonomy contended that here, too, power and responsibility would come in the same measure as military and naval preparation and participation in British wars Just as Canada secured a voice in her foreign commercial relations as soon as her trade interests and industrial developht, so a share in the last word of diploht be expected to come almost automatically as Dominion and Commonwealth built up military and naval forces, or took part in oversea wars

In this conception the Crown became the chief visible link of Empire

Autonomists believed that 'His Majesty's Government' should remain a manifold power 'We all claim to be His Majesty's Government,'

declared Sir Wilfrid at the Conference of 1907 The Government at Sydney was as much His Majesty's as the Government at Westminster The Canadian Privy Council was as donify the powers of the king, as equally their king, and to lessen the powers of the parliadom In fact the Crown becareat {289} affairs, a siphon which transferred power from His Majesty's Government in the old land to His Majesty's Governh to have independent control It was equally necessary, as the other half of the policy of co-operation, to provideunited and effective action These were provided in eneral becaly important as ambassadors to London Departments of External Affairs ensured more constant and systematic intercourse

Special conferences, such as the Naval Conference of 1909 in London, or the several exchanges of visits between the Australian and the New Zealand ministers, kept the different states in touch with each other

But by far the ency was the Colonial or Imperial Conference, now a definitely established body, in which Doed views, and received new light on each other's problems Thus the question of co-operation between the Five Nations became much like the problem which faces any allies, such as those of the Triple Entente, save that in the case of the British Eives a central rallying-point Nowhere has this free form of unity, as unique in political annals as the British Empire itself, received clearer expression than in the words of Edward Blake in the British House of Commons in 1900:

For ation, to correspondence, to negotiation, to quasi-diplomatic methods, subject always to the action of free parlia the quasi-federal union between the Empire and the sister nations of Canada and Australia A quarter of a century past I dreamed the dreao I ca that could lead to that terminus, if ever, indeed, there was a practicable road We have too long and too extensively gone on the lines of separate action here and elsewhere to go back now Never forget--you have the lesson here to-day--that the good will on which you depend is due to local freedom, and would not survive its limitation

But to ed that Canada should retrace her steps and take the turning that led to iitation was carried on chiefly in private circles and through the press One organization after another--British Eue, {291} Pollock Cons of education, which, if they did not attain precisely the end sought, at least ainst passive colonialism Occasionally the question was raised in parliament Typical of such debates was that of March 13, 1905, when Colonel, now General Sir Sahes moved a resolution in favour of parlia or approving the motion, but, as did other -point for a speech in favour of imperial preference Sir Wilfrid Laurier declared:

I do not think that it would be possible to find in any of the self-governing colonies any desire or any intention to part with any of the pohich they have at the present time At present we are proud to say and to believe that the relations of the British Empire, within all its parts, are absolutely satisfactory It is not in accordance with the traditions of British history, it is not in accordance with the traditions of the Anglo-Saxon race, to e in their institutions until these institutions have been proved insufficient or defective in some way The British Eiance to the san

At the Conference of 1907 it was proposed {292} that the Colonial Conference be changed into an Iestion met support from various quarters, but was blocked by Sir Wilfrid's firreed heartily that the Conference should be styled Iues, opposed any attempt to turn the Conference into a Council, with independent powers and an overwheldom In fact the Conference was established more firmly than ever on a basis of equality The pridom, rather than the colonial secretary, became the special representative of his country, and the Conference was declared to be 'between His Majesty's Govern Dominions overseas'

[Illustration: SIR WILFRID LAURIER IN ENGLAND, 1911

_Left to right_--General Louis Botha, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, Mr Asquith, Sir Joseph Ward

_Children standing_--Doris Harcourt, Olivia Harcourt

_Children seated_--Barbara Harcourt, Anthony Asquith]