Part 6 (1/2)
In this period the two most important steps towards co-operation were the appointinning of the Colonial Conferences
The first step was taken on the initiative of the Macdonald Government in 1879 It was found necessary to appoint a Canadian representative in London both to act as a with European states, and to serve as a link between the Canadian and British Governnificant In the days of {139} colonial subordination the governor-general had served as the only needed link His duty was to govern the colony in accordance with the interest and policy of thethat out he was responsible to the British Govern the representative, not of the British Govern of Canada as well as of the United Kingdooverned by the advice of the responsible overnor-general's statusof the old colonial relationshi+p The appointovernovern up the new relationshi+p
The initiative in the second step cae was now apparent in the attitude of lishmen upon imperial questions The present value of the colonies, their possible greater value in the future, and the need of all the help that could be had fro articles in the creed of ue, founded in London in 1884, gave {140} vigorous expression to these views; and its Canadian branch, formed at Montreal in the next year, to be followed by local branches fro influence on the current of Canadian thought
The new desire to bind the colonies closer was largely due to the revival of protection and of in countries Alike in trade and in defence, colonial aid was byto be felt essential Abroad, protection was in the ascendant Cobden's prophecy of the world following Britain's example in free trade had not been fulfilled France, Gerary, Italy, Russia, the United States, were rearing higher tariffs, threatening to shut out British goods Even Canada and Victoria had done likewise Moreover, France and Ger formidable rivals to Britain, as they turnedIt was little wonder that a section of English opinion began to sigh for protected markets, for retaliatory tariffs to force down bars abroad, and for a revival of the old preference or monopoly in the markets of the colonies
Defence, too, assumed aon a mad scramble for empire, for colonial possessions overseas Russia pushed steadily ard to the Pacific and south to the gates of India France sought territory in Africa and in Asia, Germany in Africa and the Pacific, Italy in Africa
Nationalis prevented by internal dissensions froland in the acquisition of territory, the nations of Europe, now that national consolidation had been largely effected, turned to follow her exaically object to their desire for territory or to their plans for larger navies Her Palht of the empire on which the sun never set; her Froudes and Seeleys were singing the glories of the 'expansion of England'; the lo-Saxon to rule the 'lesser breeds'; while the American Mahan had made clear the importance of sea-power and had pointed the lorified None the less the rivalry was felt uncomfortable, the more so as these nations did not follow Britain's free-trade policy in their new possessions, and sometimes manifested a lack of {142} scruple which boded ill for future peace And so from some quarters in Britain came the demand for colonial contributions to the Ar that, for some form of imperial federation which would set up a central parliaust 1886 an influential deputation froue waited upon the prime minister, Lord Salisbury, and asked him to summon a conference of all the colonies to discuss the idea of setting up a federal council as a first step towards centralizing authority
The pri political changes which, if possible, were so only in the distant future Believing, however, that there were other subjects ripe for discussion, he took the momentous step, and called the first Colonial Conference
Every self-governing colony and several crown colonies sent representatives Canada sent Sir Alexander Caovernor of Ontario, and Mr, later Sir Sandford, Fle, the apostle of an All-Red Pacific cable Lord Salisbury, in opening the proceedings, referred to the three lines upon which progress ested the ideas which he and others had in mind A political federation, like that of Germany, to conduct 'all our imperial affairs from one centre,' could not be created for the present But Gerht be possible, a _zollverein_ or custosverein_, or union for purposes of mutual defence, which was feasible, and was the real and important business before the Conference
In the weeks of discussion which followed the Canadian delegates took little part except upon the question of the cable which was at Sandford Flereed to make a contribution towards the cost of a British squadron in Australasian waters, and Cape Colony agreed to provide some local defence at Table Bay Sir Alexander Careement of 1865 as still in force, denied that the naval defence of Canada had proved burdenso up a naval school or training a reserve, and offered nothing more The Conference did not discuss political federation and touched only lightly on preferential trade As the first of a series, and for its {144} revelation of the obstacles to proposals for Ger the British Empire, it proved more important than for any positive achieveates adequately reflected the feeling both of the general public and of the leaders of both parties in Canada at that time, alike as to political defence and trade relations
As for political relations, the only proposal for change came from the Imperial Federationists The idea had some notable advocates in Canada--Grant, Parkin, Denison, M'Carthy and others But many of them advocated it simply because it was the only theory of closer imperial relations then in the field At first it was too hazily pictured to make clear the extent to which the Canadian and other parliaments would be subordinated to the proposed new central parliaer to give up control of their destinies to a parliament in which they would have only one-tenth of the representation The responsible politicians did not at any time endorse the scheme Sir John Macdonald, as a practical man, saw at once a fatal objection {145} in the sacrifice of Canadian self-government which it involved[3] Soed with plausibility that political federation would bring the colonies neer in the shape of control over foreign policy, rather than take old powers away, but Macdonald ive Nevertheless the Iue and its branches did useful educational work Owing to differences of opinion a its anized two years later as the British Ereatly interested in questions of defence In the sixties and seventies, it is true, the larger colonies had agreed, with so share of the burdens of defencecontrol of their own affairs
{146} Gradually the British troops stationed in Australia, New Zealand, and Canada (save for a sarrison force at Halifax) had been withdrawn, and their places taken by local militia But as yet it was understood that the responsibilities of the colonies were secondary and local As a result of long discussion, the British House of Co the right of self-govern for their own internal order and security and ought to assist in their own external defence' The duty of the United Kingdoeneral defence of the Empire was equally understood; the Committee on Colonial Defence (1860), whose report led to the adoption of this resolution, agreed that since 'the Imperial Government has the control of peace and war, it is therefore in honour and duty {147} called upon to assist the Colonists in providing against the consequences of its policy,'--a position affirmed by Mr Cardwell's dispatch of June 17, 1865
Given the fact and theory of political relationshi+p as they existed in this period, this compromise was the natural result Under the old colonial systeain, and imperial defence was merely the debit side of colonial trade monopoly The myth that Britain had carried on her wars and her diploratitude, had not yet been invented True, the day had passed when Britain derived profit, or believed she derived profit, from the political control of the white eot by those conditions still persisted If profit had vanished, prestige rearded the colonies as 'our possessions' was quite as prepared to foot the bill for the defence of the Eh Europe, as he was to maintain a country estate which yielded no incoave hihbours As yet, therefore, there was no thought in official {148} quarters that Canada should take part in oversea wars or assulish society proposed in 1895 that Canada should contribute money to a central navy and share in its control, Sir Charles Tupper attacked the suggestion as 'an insidious, ed that, if Canada were independent, 'England, instead of being able to reduce her army by a man or her navy by a shi+p, would be compelled to increase both, to maintain her present power and influence' He quoted the London _Times_ to the effect that the maritime defence of the colonies was only a by-product of that naval supreland's very existence as a nation, and cost not a penny extra, for which reason the control of the fleet must always reoverndoic importance of the Canadian Pacific Railway as Canada's contribution to the defence of the Euments had much force, but they were obviously the product of a tis of the slow-rising spirit of nationhood
Action, or inaction, corresponded to words In 1885, when Britain aging war in the Soudan, New South Wales offered to raise and equip a regiment The secretary for war at once spread the news of this offer through the other colonies Sir John Macdonald's only reply was to offer to sanction the raising of troops in Canada, the whole cost to fall on Great Britain The offer was declined with thanks A coely French-Canadian, however, was recruited in Canada, at Britain's expense, and did good service in the rapids of the Nile Sir John Macdonald did not, of course, proclaim Canada's neutrality in this war, any more than Hincks and MacNab had done in the Criarrisoned Dover and Shorncliffe
Canada simply took no part in either war
But, if political federation and inter-imperial defence thus fell on deaf ears in Canada, the question of trade relations receivedthe Pacific cable and a service of fast stea had hit upon the line along which progress eventually was to be made {150} Tariff preferences, inter-ian to be discussed As early as 1879 Sir John Macdonald, on finding in England h taxation of British ioods a preference if the United Kingdoive Canada a preference in return Thus, on the ruins of the old colonial system imposed by the mother country's edict, would be built a new colonial systeotiation between equal states In view of Britain's rooted adherence to free trade, nothing, of course, caland some discussion of protection or 'fair trade,' and in Canada, during the elections of 1891, the idea of an imperial _zollverein_ was rhetorically mooted as an alternative to reciprocity with the United States Three years later still (1894) the second Colonial Conference met at Ottawa, on the invitation of the Doe treaties of reciprocity in trade between the various colonies, to serve until such time as the mother country should renounce her free-trade errors There were many forceful and eloquent speeches, notably one by Mr, now Sir George, Foster, and a resolution was {151} passed in favour of an Iement with New Zealand in 1895, no definite result followed
The policy of the Liberal Opposition in Canada in respect to inter-imperial trade may be briefly stated Mr Laurier's first speech, as leader of the party, at Somerset, in 1887, has already been mentioned There he declared that if commercial union with Great Britain were feasible, he would favour it But he had more hope of commercial union with other British colonies, which had protective tariffs Two years later, speaking at Toronto, he referred to the obvious difficulties in the way of commercial union with Britain itself 'I would favour with all my soul,' he said, 'a more close commercial alliance of Canada with Great Britain But, sir, if there is any man who believes that any such an alliance between Canada and Great Britain can be formed upon any other basis than that of free trade, which prevails in England, thatnot only for the last seven but for the last forty-four years The British people will not to-day go back upon the policy of free trade, and Canada is not in a position at the e revenue which she has to collect, to adopt any other tariff than a revenue tariff at best' That free trade a all the British coe, and that it would come in time, he stated elsewhere, but added that it could not for many years be a practical issue
A notable step foras taken in 1892 Hitherto Liberal and Conservative alike had been considering the trade question chiefly fro freshin return concessions in the Canadian tariff Now the Liberals, and the M'Carthy wing of the Conservatives, began to speak of the consumer's interests The reduction of the tariff would be more ifor the distant day when Great Britain should set up a tariff and give Canada reciprocal preference, the Liberals now pressed for giving an ioods A resolution to this effect, moved in the House of Commons by Mr, now Sir Louis, Davies, was voted down by the Conservative majority, but it was to bear notable fruit later
[1] _Confederation Debates_, p 44
[2] See p 131
[3] 'During the last few years of his life, when asked if he were an Imperial Federationist, he would reply somewhat after this fashi+on: ”That depends on what you mean by Imperial Federation I a about a closer union between the various portions of the Empire, but I have not yet seen any plan worked out by which this can be done The proposal that there should be a parliaard as iree that the parlia so many centuries at Westislature But, however that ht be, I am quite sure that Canada would never consent to be taxed by a central body sitting at London, in which she would have practically no voice; for her proportionate number of members in such an assembly would amount to little more than an honorary representation That forhout the Eht to control its fiscal policy”'--Pope, _Memoirs of Sir John Macdonald_, vol ii, p 213
[4] Address on Canada and her Relations with the Mother Country
Newcastle-on-Tyne, November 21, 1895
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