Part 2 (1/2)

But this prudent step did not avert the wrath of the now dominant ultramontane section In 1873 a brief pastoral was issued by all the bishops conde terms

Two years later another joint pastoral, that of September 22, 1875, went into the whole question elaborately Catholic Liberalisht of the clergy to intervene in politics was again upheld, whether in neutral matters in which they, like all other citizens, should have a voice, or infaith or morals or the interests of the Church In the latter case the clergy should declare with authority that to vote in this or that way is a sin, exposing the offender to the penalties of the Church In a letter issued a year later Archbishop Taschereau arding the identity of the Catholic Liberals in question both pastorals were silent, but not silent were y who interpreted them to their flocks The cap fitted the Liberal party and its chiefs, they averred, and good Catholics ly

This detery to use the influence they possessed as spiritual guides to crush one political party aroused the most moderate sections of the Liberals to counter-attacks The election law of Canada, copied froland, forbade the use of undue influence in elections, and undue influence had been said to include use by ecclesiastics of their powers to excite superstitious fears or pious hopes Baron Fitzgerald had declared in the Mayo case in Ireland, in 1857, that the priest must not use threats of punishment here or hereafter, must not threaten to withhold the sacra for any particular candidate as a sin The Liberals of Quebec had no desire to deny the priest the sa part in the discussion of any political question whatever, and using all the powers of persuasion to secure this end But, they insisted, for a priest to threaten eternal punishment was as much a case of undue influence as for an employer to threaten to dismiss a workman if he would not vote for a certain candidate, and as just a ground for voiding an election

The ainst candidates returned in two federal by-elections, in Chambly and Charlevoix, and {47} in one provincial election, in Bonaventure In these instances the proof of open partisanshi+p and open use of ecclesiastical pressure was overwhel 'The candidate who spoke last Sunday,' declared one priest in Chambly, 'called himself a moderate Liberal As Catholics you cannot vote for him; you cannot vote for a Liberal, nor for a moderate Liberal, for moderate is only another term for liar' 'The Church has condeainst the direction of the bishops would be sin,' declared another 'The sky of heaven is _bleu_, the fire of hell is _rouge_,' another ed 'I was afraid,' one witness testified, 'that if I voted for Treed that, in the first place, the civil courts had no authority over ecclesiastics, at least for acts done in their spiritual capacity, and, in the second place, that the Church had a right to defend its interests against attack, and that in using to this end all the powers at its disposal it was ee Routhier, the author of the _Catholic Programme_, upheld these contentions in the first trial of the Charlevoix case, but the Suprements delivered by Mr Justice Taschereau, brother of {48} the Archbishop, and by Mr Justice Ritchie, denied the existence of any clerical immunity from civil jurisdiction, and found that the threats which had been made from the pulpit constituted undue influence of the clearest kind Accordingly they voided the election Their action met with violent protests froe Casault in the Bonaventure case followed this precedent, sought, but in vain, to have hiation from his chair in the law faculty of Laval

But in spite of protests the lesson had been learned, and the sturdy fight of the Liberals of Quebec for the hts of a free people had its effect

[Illustration: GOVERNORS-GENERAL OF THE DOMINION

1 VISCOUNT MONCK, 1867-68 2 LORD LISGAR, 1868-72 3 EARL OF DUFFERIN, 1872-78 4 MARQUIS OF LORNE, 1878-83 5 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN, 1882-88 6 LORD STANLEY, 1888-93 7 EARL OF ABERDEEN, 1893-98 8 EARL OF MINTO, 1898-1904 9 EARL GREY, 1904-11 10 DUKE OF CONNAUGHT, 1911-]

It hen e that Wilfrid Laurier came forward to do for his province and his country a service which could be accorasp of essential principles, of wide reading and familiarity with the political ideals of other lands, and, above all, of e

Rarely, if ever, has there been delivered in Canada a speech of such momentous importance, or one so firmly based on the first principles hich Canadian statesmen too rarely concern {49} theroup of young Liberals, in Quebec City in June 1877

The subject of the address was Political Liberaliss Liberalis to do with opinions on religion Nor did it mean Liberalism of the type still prevalent on the continent of Europe, revolutionary, seiven brief currency by the young men of twenty who thirty years before had lent the Liberal party an undeserved reputation for anti-clericalism No, the Liberals of Canada found their land, in the ht the battles of orderly freedoe and selfish interest As to the Church, no true Liberal wished to deny its officers the right which every citizen enjoyed of taking a part in his country's politics; they had opposed, and would continue to oppose, every attearb to crush freedoht of ecclesiastical interference in politics ceased where it encroached upon {50} the elector's independence Any atteainst the country but was bound to injure the Church itself; it would lead inevitably to the for the majority On individual freedom alone could a sound national political system be built up, just as on colonial freedo imperial systehout the country Its renunciation at once of anti-clericalism and of ultramontanism, its moderation and its fearlessness, rallied Liberalism to its true standard and marked out clearly the lines within which party and priest alike should act in the interests of church and of country It was a master-stroke both for freedom and for harmony

We are to-day soland or in Canada fought for us the battles of political freedoet the services of the political leaders of the thirties and forties on freedom from class and racial domination, the services of the leaders of the sixties and seventies on freedoainst heavy odds It has taken a European war to make us realize {51} how precious are those liberties, how ht of our debt of gratitude alike to those on them for us in the past, and to those who preserve them for us in the present

A few months after this historic address Wilfrid Laurier entered the Mackenzie Cabinet as ible for ministerial rank ever since his first entry into the House, and ht have had a portfolio in 1876 had it not been that he objected to serve along with Cauchon The appoint cleared the way, Mr Laurier accepted the office and appealed to his constituents for re-election

The tide of opinion had latterly been running strong against the Governreat personal popularity of the new minister was deemed an assurance of victory The Conservatives, however, threw theht, and, much to their own surprise, won the seat by a majority of twenty-nine The result was due in part to the over-confidence and inactivity of the Liberals, but on the whole it was the handwriting on the wall--a token of the prevailing {52} sentiainst the Government which was shortly to sweep all before it Another seat was speedily found for the new minister, in Quebec East, and he entered upon a brief year's tenure of office Though under no illusion as to the failing strength of the Government in the country, he loyally did his best both in the ad for the party until the _debacle_ came in 1878

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CHAPTER IV

IN OPPOSITION, 1878-1887

The party leadershi+p--Tariff and railway--Doeneral election of September 1878 the Liberal party suffered notrout, as unexpected and disastrous as a tropical earthquake Only five years before, Mackenzie had been swept into power on a wave of nation The Conservative leaders had appeared hopelessly discredited, and the rank and file dispirited Noave of economic despair swept the Liberals out of power Their majority of two to one in 1873 was reversed by a Conservative majority of over two to one in 1878 The defeat was not local: every province except New Brunsent against Mackenzie

Edward Blake, Richard Cartwright, Alfred G Jones, and other stalwarts lost their seats, and though Sir John Macdonald suffered the sah seats were soon found for the fallen leaders, the blow greatly dae of the Liberal party

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Mackenzie was stunned To the last he had been confident of victory

In spite of the warnings of Charlton, Cartwright, Laurier, and others, he had underestin for protection, with its lavish promises of work and prosperity for all, holds He could not believe that the people of Canada would take up the heresies and fallacies which the people of Great Britain had discarded a generation earlier He would not believe that they were prepared to send back to power uilty of corruption only five years before For these illusions he paid the penalty, in bitter regrets, in loss of touch with the party, in broken health, and at last, in April 1880, in resignation of the leadershi+p

Alexander Mackenzie had deserved well of Canada and of his party; but, apparently, both wantedand stainless honour which were all he had to give them

There was only one possible successor Edward Blake had for e section of the party in Ontario, and he now becareat intellectual capacity, of constructive {55} vision, of untiring thoroughness and industry He stood easily at the head of the bar in Canada His short teriven proof of political sagacity and administrative power He, if any one, it seemed, could retrieve the shattered fortunes of the Liberal party