Part 12 (2/2)
The Denial of the Econo to Peterson (1997) 84 this elite view of popular culture has been per-sistent throughout the twentieth century Peterson offers many references
2 In chapter 10, the unusual choice to divide government activity across all three areas will be claried in some detail The choice implies that the area of forced transfers differs from the area of redistribution as noted in Polanyi (1992, 1957) and the government sphere as noted in Klaan (1998) 133-39 and 157
4 O'Hagan (1998) 133-39 and 157
5 Meulenbeek, Brouwer et al (2000) 41
6 One would expect that the broader the interpretation of art, the more important the market becomes This is, however, not necessarily true In artistic areas that receive few donations or subsidies, artists often donate their ti for low incoures on the aifts that come from the partners and friends of artists and the a nored this type of gift Moreover, as will be discussed in chapter 6, it is not iifts Nevertheless subsi-dizing by oneself, fa in areas where artists are primarily self-employed, such as pop music, literature, and the visual arts If these subsidies were (in part) included in the overall gift, the percentage of gifts would not necessarily become smaller when literature and pop music are includ-ed
7 Lottery revenues are certainly not a gift to the arts froulations impose taxes paid by the lottery players and this overnated the distribution of the an (1998) 152-3
8 The comparison also applies to teachers, doctors, and scientists I interpret the intervention of governmental bodies with the activities of these professionals as the purchase of services froovernment, which are trans-ferred to benefactors, or as ifts It can be argued that subsidies for education and health care belong to the gift sphere In that case, the gift sphere in the arts reer than that of other sectors with the exception of health care and education Even e consider health care and education, the presence of a large gift sphere in the arts remains exceptional because in the health care and education sectors the gift follows froation (cf Swaan (1988)), while no social obligation ever developed with respect to art
9 People or institutions receive gifts The arts cannot receive gifts Nevertheless, it is coifts to the arts (and subsidies for the arts) and I shall do the saifts to the arts'
10 Often people use the terms 'Patron' and 'Maecenas' without distinction, or with s that differ from mine Cf Kempers (1998)
11 Cf Bevers (1993) 9-57, Hitters (1996) 71-105 and Pots (2000) 85-248
12 The term 'value' is used in many different ways Here it sufces to say that in this chapter I aher order values As will be ex-plained in section 33 higher order values relate to general virtues and vices of different states of the world
13 Klamer and Zuidhof (1999) and Staveren (1999) discuss certain virtues of the gift sphere in eois and th
14 Cf Hide (1979)
15 At rst sight, sharing implies what the economist calls non-rivalry, which is an oft-ood as opposed to a private good Cul-ture appears to be a collective good Not sharing culture and sioods, which could be shared without extra costs, is usually deemed as unfair But upon closer observation, however, we notice that non-rivalry hardly ever exists Most culture exists because there are others who do not have this type of culture If it is shared with those outside the own group, it loses value The con-suroup's consumption Thus, we ob-serve that rivalry is very present in most (sub)cultures
16 With respect to the diffusion of art Swaan (1986) 35-8 has argued that the em-phasis on supercial forms of diffusion of art and the necessary failure of actual diffusion increase the incoroups untness for art
17 Swaan (1986)
18 Williae-scale idiosyncrasy within the market sphere
19 Simmel (1978 princ ed in German 1907) Simmel calls it the reversal of means and purpose
20 Klamer (1996) 22-24
21 In this respect, there is a difference with religious services, where consuifts The saifts
22 In discussions, Klamer explains his earlier statement (Klamer (1996) 22-24) that 'the arts are beyond measurement' in that the exact valuation in monetary terms devalues (or increases) certain values of art Brae points of view in philosophy on this subject For instance, in social science Smith (1988) takes the opposite position of Klamer
23 Bourdieu (1990) 98-134 and Bourdieu (1997, 1996)
24 The latter ismir den Kopf von Adolf Hitler Another less funny, but better-known example would be the Jew in Fassbinder's: Der Mull, die Stadt und der Tod (The Dirt, the Town and the Death)
25 The high status of the artist does not depend on the artist being a member of a successful professional As will be explained in chapter 11 the artistic profes-sion has little status compared to other professions In this sense the status of artists is auous Anheier and Gerhards (1991) remark that a status indeter- (1989) 135
27 The term 'economy' is used in a wider sense than the term 'economic' is used in, for instance economic sphere, value, capital and power Economic in these com-binations is used in the sense of monetary For instance, in the economic sphere assets and transactions can be measured in terms of money An econoanize means in order to reach certain ends Cf Becker (1976) 3-14 Therefore, not all economies need money
28 The medical profession is an example Here the borderline between the two spheres is permanently in ux as professionals ask which medical services can and cannot be traded Different standards apply in both spheres, but the plural value system is hardly asymmetrical
29 The denial of the economy refers, above all, to the economy in the ift sphere For instance, artists, art companies and donors pretend to be seless, but de facto many donors seek publicity and artists and art co possible to increase their chances in the donations and subsidies system
30 On the basis of the characteristics that differentiate gift from trade, the majori-ty of present-day sponsorshi+p activities are closer to e rates have also eht to advertise their brand name in association with the par-ticular cultural institution Some cultural institutions actually publicize the 'prices' they charge for different levels of sponsorshi+p, which correspond with different levels of logo- and naues, etc Never-theless, parties publicly continue to play the ga In this respect spon-sorshi+p has a special attraction that pure advertising does not have It enables the sponsor to associate with the gift sphere And because the association with the gift sphere i company, this be-comes attractive in a commercial sense as well
31 The artist's character is related to the 'habitus', which will be discussed at soth in chapter 4
32 Bourdieu (1992) 121-128 uses the expression 'sense of the game' ('sens de jeux') From a different point of view, Hutter (1996) also applies the notion of play to economics
33 Bourdieu (1977) demonstrates and explains this double standard inthe business instinct of Warhol, Kat-tenburg draws attention to the religious aspect in Warhol's ith its eallery owners for other purposes; see Velthuis (2002)
36 Bourdieu gives many descriptions of the stiffness of newcomers opposed to the ease of 'born nobility' Cf Bourdieu (1979)
37 Cf Laermans (1993)
Economic Value Versus Aesthetic Value
1 This is the opinion of Woude (1987) 309 This is not an undisputed opinion Nevertheless, even if the real nuh or 5 the percentage of surviving paintings is still aly low
2 Cf Velthuis (2002a)
3 Throsby (2000) 45-50 In his admirable attempt to widen the horizon of econom-ics, Throsby lets cultural value co a second h a price to pay for a relatively small increase in explanatory capacity I nd it more useful to let the term 'economic' stand for an approach rather than a scope In this re-spect, I agree with Becker (1976) 3-14 In this chapter however, I shall also use the term 'economic' in the limited sense of monetary or nancial
4 Cf Velthuis (2002)
5 Price is not always an adequate indicator even when it cos In par-ticular, it's inadequate when market value refers to the value of an oeuvre and is compared with the aesthetic value or reputation of the oeuvre For instance, the average price of a painting by a highly regarded painter, deceased or living, who produced (produces) s annually, can well be lower than those of a less-renowned painter who painted very few paintings; nevertheless the sales of the her Moreover, it appears that in a lo-cal e artist's success is e nuher prices This is conrathered for their article
6 In writing this paragraph, I am indebted to Velthuis (2002), who speaks of two models of price and value: an independent spheres model and a hostile spheres model He mentions Bell, Steiner, Fry, and Fried in association with the rst, and Kopytoff, Burn, Hughes, and Klamer in relation with the second
7 This applies to subsidization in general It does not apply to all forms of subsi-dization For instance, subsidy schemes in which subsidies are linked with per-forative relation
8 Grampp (1989) 37
9 A much weaker proposition, which underlies thesis of correspondence between aesthetic and nals quality Price is one of enerally a signal of higher quality This line of thinking comes from Veblen (1934) and Leibenstein (1950) Velthuis (2002) applies it to the visual arts