Part 13 (2/2)
On the first day of the session, General Charles Lee, as hot for an immediate declaration of independence, seems to have had a conversation upon the subject with Patrick Henry, during which the latter stated his reasons for some postpone day, to write to Henry a letter which is really rees from which will help us the better to understand the public situation, as well as Patrick Henry's attitude towards it:--
WILLIAMSBURG, May 7, 1776
DEAR SIR,--If I had not the highest opinion of your character and liberal way of thinking, I should not venture to address reat weight and influence which the transcendent abilities you possess ivethis long letter Since our conversation yesterday, reat question, whether independence ought or ought not to be iument on both sides, I am clearly of the opinion that we must, as we value the liberties of America, or even her existence, without a moment's delay declare for independence The objection you htly, to an irees the most specious, indeed, it is the only tolerable, one that I have yet heard You say, and with great justice, that we ought previously to have felt the pulse of France and Spain I more than believe, I a that we are utter strangers to their sentiments on the subject, and that we run so coldly received by these powers, such is our situation that the risk must be ventured
On one side there are the most probable chances of our success, founded on the certain advantages which s by a treaty of alliance with Aland were evidently established on the monopoly of her American trade The inferiority of France, in these two capital points, consequently had its source in the sa down her rival in proportion to this deduction The French are and always have been sensible of these great truths But allowing that there can be no certainty, but mere chances, in our favor, I do insist upon it that these chances render it our duty to adopt the measure, as, by procrastination, our ruin is inevitable Should it now be deterotiation with France, a whole year must pass over our heads before we can be acquainted with the result In the n, without arrace and defeat will infallibly ensue; the soldiers and officers will become so disappointed that they will abandon their colors, and probably never be persuaded to make another effort
But there is another consideration still ent I can assure you that the spirit of the people cries out for this declaration; the eous on the subject; and a erous it would be, in our present circumstances, to dally with the spirit, or disappoint the expectations, of the bulk of the people May not despair, anarchy, and final submission be the bitter fruits? I am firmly persuaded that they will; and, in this persuasion, I most devoutly pray that you may not merely recomress to embrace a measure so necessary to our salvation
Yours, ht days after that letter ritten, the Virginia convention took what lance, seem to be the precise action therein described as necessary; and moreover, they did so under the influence, in part, of Patrick Henry's powerful advocacy of it On the 15th of May, after considerable debate, one hundred and twelvepresent, the convention unaniates appointed to represent this colony in General Congress be instructed to propose to that respectable body to declare the United Colonies free and independent States, absolved froiance to, or dependence upon, the crown or Parliaive the assent of this colony to such declaration, and to whatever ress for forn alliances and a confederation of the colonies, at such time, and in the manner, as to theovernulations of the internal concerns of, each colony, be left to the respective colonial legislatures”[235]
On the testimony of Edmund Randolph, as a member of the convention, it is non that this momentous resolution ”was drawn by Pendleton, was offered in convention by Nelson, and was advocated on the floor by Henry”[236] Any one ill carefully study it, however, will discover that this resolution was the result of a compromise; and especially, that it is so framed as tothe deress to deterly, in letters of his, written five days afterward to his ress, we see that his reat prerequisites,--a certified union aement with France ”Ere this reaches you,” he wrote to Richard Henry Lee, ”our resolution for separating from Britain will be handed you by Colonel Nelson Your sentireat affair correspond with es to her commerce we intend to offer, and of the permanency of that separation which is to take place, be allured by the partition you mention? To anticipate, therefore, the efforts of the ene instantly American ambassadors to France, see on us total ruin But is not a confederacy of our States previously necessary?”[237]
On the same day, he wrote, also, a letter to John Adaorously his views as to the true order in which the three great n alliances, and independence,--should be dealt with:--
”Before this reaches you, the resolution for finally separating froress by Colonel Nelson I put up with it in the present form for the sake of unanimity 'T is not quite so pointed as I could wish Excuseyou of what I think of immense importance; 't is to anticipate the enemy at the French court The half of our continent offered to France, may induce her to aid our destruction, which she certainly has the power to accomplish I know the free trade with all the States would be more beneficial to her than any territorial possessions she ht acquire But pressed, allured, as she will be,--but, above all, ignorant of the great thing we mean to offer,--ain The confederacy:--that n alliances Would it not be sufficient to confine it, for the present, to the objects of offensive and defensive nature, and a guaranty of the respective colonial rights? If a s is attempted, such as equal representation, etc, etc, you may split and divide; certainly will delay the French alliance, which with ”[238]
In the inia had received with enthusiastic approval the news of the great step taken by their convention on the 15th of May Thus ”on the day following,” says the ”Virginia Gazette,” published at Willia, ”the troops in this city, with the train of artillery, were drawn up and went through their firings and various other reatest exactness; a continental union flag was displayed upon the capitol; and in the evening many of the inhabitants illureat step taken by the Virginia convention, on the day justat once certain other steps of supreovernment of Great Britain: it was necessary for theovernly, in the very saress to propose a declaration of independence, they likewise resolved, ”That a cohts, and such a plan of government as will be most likely to maintain peace and order in this colony, and secure substantial and equal liberty to the people”[240]
Of this committee, Patrick Henry was a member; and with him were associated Archibald Cary, Henry Lee, Nicholas, Ede, Madison, George Mason, and others The two tasks before the cohts, and that of drafting a constitution for the new State of Virginia-- inia was somewhat in advance of the other colonies; and for this reason, as well as on account of its general pree the colonies, the course which it should take in this crisis atched with extraordinary attention John Adainia for exainia itself, as well as in the other colonies, there was an unsettled question as to the nature of the state governments which were then to be instituted Should they be strongly aristocratic and conservative, with a possible place left for the monarchical feature; or should the popular elenized, and a decidedly deiven to these new constitutions? On this question, two strong parties existed in Virginia In the first place, there were the old aristocratic families, and those who sympathized with them These people, nu to the unfair encroachments of British authority, had by no means intended to object to the nature of the British constitution, and would have been pleased to see that constitution, in all its essential features, retained in Virginia
This party was led by such men as Robert Carter Nicholas, Carter Braxton, and Edmund Pendleton In the second place, there were the democrats, the reformers, the radicals,--ere inclined to take the opportunity furnished by Virginia's rejection of British authority as the occasion for rejecting, within the new State of Virginia, all the aristocratic and monarchical features of the British Constitution itself This party was led by such men as Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, Thoe Mason Which party was to succeed in staoverninia?
Furthermore, it is important to observe that, on this very question then at issue in Virginia, two pa opposite sides, were, just at that inians,--both pa, very suggestive, and very well expressed The first, entitled ”Thoughts on Governh issued anonymously, was soon known to be by John Adams It advocated the formation of state constitutions on the dele year by the people; this house to elect an upper house of twenty or thirty ative on the lower house, and to serve, likewise, for a single year; these two houses to elect a governor, as to have a negative on them both, and whose teres, and all other officers, civil or overnor with the advice of the upper house, or to be chosen directly by the two houses themselves[242] The second pamphlet, which was in part a reply to the first, was entitled ”Address to the Convention of the Colony and Ancient Doeneral, and reco a particular form to their consideration”
It purported to be by ”A native of the Colony” Although the pa recoates in Congress, the authorshi+p was then unknown to the public It advocated the formation of state constitutions on a model far less democratic: first, a lower house, the members of which were to be elected for three years by the people; secondly, an upper house of twenty-four meovernor, to be elected for life by the lower house; fourthly, all judges, all military officers, and all inferior civil ones, to be appointed by the governor[243]
Such was the question over which the members of the committee, appointed on the 15th of May, must soon have cos, apparently, Henry found the aristocratic tendencies of soive him considerable uneasiness; and by his letter to John Adams, written on the 20th of theof the lack of any associate of adequate ability on his own side of the question When we ree Mason were members of that committee, we can but read Patrick Henry's words with some astonishment[244] The explanation is probably to be found in the fact that Madison was not placed on the co and very unobtrusive, did not at first ht felt; while Mason was not placed on the co day just before Henry's letter ritten, and very likely had not then met with it, and may not, at the moment, have been remembered by Henry as a er Virginia democrat, in that overnment of his State, poured out his anxieties to his two ress To Richard Henry Lee he wrote:--
”The grand work of forinia is now before the convention, where your love of equal liberty and your skill in public counsels ht so eminently serve the cause of your country Perhaps I'reat a bias to aristocracy prevails a the opulent
I own myself a democratic on the plan of our adreat pleasure A performance from Philadelphia is just coue of yours, B----, and greatly reco?
One or two expressions in the book make me ask I wish to divide you, and have you here to ani spirits of our country, and in Congress to be the ornailant, deterues of kindred sentiments, is my wish I doubt you have them not at present A confidential account of theto his discretion, inia froor, animation, and all the powers of ether into one grand effort Moderation, falsely so called, hath nearly brought on us final ruin And to see those, who have so fatally advised us, still guiding, or at least sharing, our public counsels, alarms me”[246]
On the same day, he wrote as follows to John Adams:--
WILLIAMSBURG, May 20, 1776
MY DEAR SIR,--Your favor, with the paed to you for it; and I aood here, where there is a bias to aristocracy I tell my friends you are the author Upon that supposition, I have two reasons for liking the book The senti since taken up, and they come recoholds of tyranny; and in whatever form oppression may be found, may those talents and that firainst it
Our convention is now e a constitution My most esteemed republican for, published in Philadelphia, by a native of Virginia, has just ly recoates noith you,--Braxton His reasonings upon and distinction between private and public virtue, are weak, shallow, evasive, and the whole perforrace to this country; and, by one expression, I suspect his whiggis which I cannot count upon one coadjutor of talents equal to the task Would to God you and your Sam Adams were here! It shall be overnland may be discerned in it; and if all your excellences cannot be preserved, yet I hope to retain so much of the likeness, that posterity shall pronounce us descended from the same stock I shall think perfection is obtained, if we have your approbation
I a to be presented to my ever-esteemed S Adaive you every good thing