Part 4 (1/2)
But a subject far greater than John Robinson's project for a loan office was then beginning to weigh on e of the sky, the first filry as the years went by, and was to accompany a political tempest under which the British Empire would be torn asunder, and the whole structure of American colonial society wrenched from its foundations Just one year before the tiinia that the British ministry had announced in parliament their purpose to introduce, at the next session, an act for laying certain staly, in response to these tidings, the House of Burgesses, in the autumn of 1764, had taken the earliest opportunity to send a respectfulthat the proposed act would be deeinia as an alarhts This e had been elaborately drawn up, in the for, a memorial to the House of Lords, and a re a coislature, and of high social standing in the colony, including Landon Carter, Richard Henry Lee, George Wythe, Edmund Pendleton, Benjamin Harrison, Richard Bland, and even Peyton Randolph, the king's attorney-general
Meantime, to this appeal no direct answer had been returned; instead of which, however, was received by the House of Burgesses, in May, 1765, about the time of Patrick Henry's accession to that body, a copy of the Stamp Act itself What was to be done about it? What was to be done by Virginia? What was to be done by her sister colonies? Of course, by the passage of the Stamp Act, the whole question of colonial procedure on the subject had been changed While the act was, even in England, merely a theme for consideration, and while the colonies were virtually under invitation to send thither their views upon the subject, it was perfectly proper for colonial paislatures to express, in every civilized form, their objections to it But all this was now over The Stamp Act had been discussed; the discussion was ended; the act had been decided on; it had becoislative body, was a very different matter from what criticism upon it had been, even by the saislature of Virginia had fittingly spoken out, concerning the contemplated act, its manly words of disapproval and of protest; but now that the contemplated act had become an adopted act--had becoain speak even those sa disloyal,--without venturing a little too near the verge of sedition,--without putting itself into an attitude, at least, of incipient nullification respecting a law of the general government?
It is perfectly evident that by all the old leaders of the House at that moment,--by Peyton Randolph, and Pendleton, and Wythe, and Bland, and the rest of theative
Indeed, it could be answered in no other way Such being the case, it followed that, for Virginia and for all her sister colonies, an entirely new state of things had arisen A , in fact, incalculable interests On the subject of ihtfully, to influence legislation, while that legislation was in process; but now that this legislation was accomplished, ere they to do? Were they to subotiations for ultiht, and try to obstruct its execution? Clearly, here was a very great problem, a problem for statesmanshi+p,--the best statesmanshi+p anywhere to be had Clearly this was a time, at any rate, for wise and experienced men to come to the front; a time, not for rash counsels, nor for spasmodic and isolated action on the part of any one colony, but for deliberate and united action on the part of all the colonies; a time in which all must move forward, or none But, thus far, no colony had been heard froinia wait a little Let her make no mistake; let her not push forward into any ill-considered and dangerous ht or of purpose from her sister colonies In the meanwhile, let her old and tried leaders continue to lead
Such, apparently, was the state of opinion in the House of Burgesses when, on the 29th of May, a motion was made and carried, ”that the House resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, immediately to consider the steps necessary to be taken in consequence of the resolutions of the House of Co certain stamp duties in the colonies and plantations in A into committee of the whole, to deliberate on thequestion that, up to that tiislature, the members may very naturally have turned in expectation to those veteran politicians and to those able constitutional lawyers who, for uide their deliberations, and who, especially in the last session, had taken charge of this very question of the Staust, the anger, possibly even the alarm, hich many may have beheld the floor now taken, not by Peyton Randolph, nor Richard Bland, nor George Wythe, nor Edmund Pendleton, but by this new and very unabashed member for the county of Louisa,--this rustic and clownish youth of the terrible tongue,--this eloquent but presu or experience in statesmanshi+p, and was the merest novice even in the forms of the House
For what precise purpose the new member had thus ventured to take the floor, was known at the e Johnston, the , the member for cumberland But theless than that of assu the policy of Virginia in this stupendous crisis of its fate, was instantly revealed to all, as he moved a series of resolutions, which he proceeded to read from the blank leaf of an old law book, and which, probably, were as follows:--
”_Whereas_, the honorable House of Coland have of late drawn into question how far the General asse of taxes and i duties, payable by the people of this, histhe saesses of this present General asse resolves:--
”1 _Resolved_, That the first adventurers and settlers of this, his ht with them and transmitted to their posterity, and all other hisin this, his es, franchises, and immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed, and possessed, by the people of Great Britain
”2 _Resolved_, That by two royal charters, granted by king James the First, the colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all the privileges, liberties, and immunities of denizens and natural born subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within the realland
”3 _Resolved_, That the taxation of the people by themselves or by persons chosen by themselves to represent them, who can only knohat taxes the people are able to bear, and the easiestthem, and are equally affected by such taxes the characteristic of British freedom, and without which the ancient constitution cannot subsist
”4 _Resolved_, That his e people of this ht of being thus governed by their own assembly in the article of their taxes and internal police, and that the saiven up, but hath been constantly recognized by the kings and people of Great Britain
”5 _Resolved_, therefore, That the General asseht and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants of this colony; and that every attempt to vest such power in any person or persons whatsoever, other than the General assembly aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to destroy British as well as Ae people, the inhabitants of this colony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance whatever, designed to impose any taxation whatsoever upon them, other than the laws or ordinances of the General assembly aforesaid
”7 _Resolved_, That any person who shall, by speaking or writing, assert or maintain that any person or persons, other than the General asseht or power to impose or lay any taxation on the people here, shall be deemed an enemy to his majesty's colony”[66]
No reader will find it hard to accept Jefferson's statement that the debate on these resolutions was ”most bloody” ”They were opposed by Randolph, Bland, Pendleton, Nicholas, Wythe, and all the old members, whose influence in the House had till then been unbroken”[67] There was every reason, whether of public policy or of private feeling, why the old party leaders in the House should now bestir themselves, and combine, and put forth all their powers in debate, to check, and if possible to rout and extinguish, this self-conceited butman ”Many threats were uttered, andafterward Logic, learning, eloquence, denunciation, derision, intimidation, were poured from all sides of the House upon the head of the presumptuous intruder; but alone, or almost alone, he confronted and defeated all his assailants
”Torrents of subli of Johnston, prevailed”[68]
It was so through the 29th and 30th of May, that the incident occurred which has long been fa the anecdotes of the Revolution, and which may be here recalled as a reminiscence not only of his own consummate mastery of the situation, but of athe clie of fearful invective, on the injustice and the i solemnity, ”Caesar had his Brutus; Charles the First, his Croe the Third ['Treason,' shouted the speaker 'Treason,' 'treason,' rose from all sides of the room The orator paused in stately defiance till these rude excla hi of still prouder and fiercer determination, he so closed the sentence as to baffle his accusers, without in the least flinching froe the Third may profit by their example If this be treason, le nearly all other details have perished with the men who took part in it After the House, in committee of the whole, had, on the 29th of May, spent sufficient time in the discussion, ”Mr Speaker resumed the chair,” says the Journal, ”and Mr Attorney reported that the said committee had had the said matter under consideration, and had come to several resolutions thereon, which he was ready to deliver in at the table Ordered that the said report be received to-morrow” It is probable that on the reater fierceness than before The Journal proceeds: ”May 30 Mr Attorney, fro to order, that the committee had considered the steps necessary to be taken in consequence of the resolutions of the House of Co certain stamp duties in the colonies and plantations in America, and that they had come to several resolutions thereon, which he read in his place and then delivered at the table; when they were again twice read, and agreed to by the House, with some amendments”
Then were passed by the House, probably, the first five resolutions as offered by Henry in the committee, but ”passed,” as he himself afterrote, ”by a very small majority, perhaps of one or two only”
Upon this final discomfiture of the old leaders, one of their nurily out of the house, and brushi+ng past young Tho in the door of the lobby, he swore, with a great oath, that he ”would have given five hundred guineas for a single vote”[70] On the afternoon of that day, Patrick Henry, knowing that the session was practically ended, and that his oork in it was done, started for his ho Duke of Gloucester Street,wearing buckskin breeches, his saddle bags on his arton, alked by his side”[71]
That was on the 30th of May The nextat last quite out of the way, those veteran lawyers and politicians of the House, who had found this young protagonist alone too ether, made bold to undo the worst part of the work he had done the day before; they expunged the fifth resolution In that mutilated forinal resolutions omitted, the first four then remained on the journal of the House as the final expression of its official opinion Meantiues of men, had been borne, past recall, far northward and far southward, the fiery unchastised words of nearly the entire series, to kindle in all the colonies a great flame of dauntless purpose;[72]
while Patrick himself, perhaps then only half conscious of the fateful work he had just been doing, travelled hohway, at once the jolliest, the inia, certainly its greatest orator, possibly even its greatest statesman
FOOTNOTES:
[57] Wirt, 24
[58] Meade, _Old Families and Churches of Va_ i 220