Volume III Part 30 (1/2)

The next(yesterday) Wharncliffe called on iously depressed at this defeat He said that they had suffered from many unusual casualties, sicknesses, and deaths, and that their people could not be made to attend He instanced three cases of lukewarmness and indifference Sir G Noel remained in the House till twelve o'clock, and then went to bed; Lord John Scott went out of town in the ed to dine so Lefroy, who had paired with Sheil _until this question_, set off with hiland from Dublin, and turned back from the steamboat because it blew hard, and he said his mother would be alarmed for his safety

Wharncliffe told usted at such coolness, and that, while he is slaving body and mind in the cause, he cannot even depend upon the corporeal presence of his idle and luxurious followers, ill sacrifice none of their amusements for the cause which they pretend to think is in such danger On the other hand, the rash and foolish (no small proportion) are dissatisfied with his caution, and the prudence which they call ti desperate Lyndhurst last year in the House of Lords was theto depose the Duke from his leadershi+p of the party, and put theuidance of Lyndhurst When we recollect who and what Lyndhurst was and is, it is curious to see the aristocracy of England adopting hilishman (for his father was an American painter[5]), a lawyer of fortune, in the sense in which, we say a soldier of fortune, without any fixed principles, and only conspicuous for his extraordinary capacity, he has no interest but what centres in himself, and is utterly destitute of those associations which naturally belong to an aristocracy There is probably not a man of the party who is not fully aware of Lyndhurst's character, and they have already experienced the results of his political daring in his famous attempt to interrupt the Reform Bill by the postponee and experience they follow him blindly, lead them where he will Wharncliffe owned to me that he saw no alternative but the compromise, but that he did not knohether his party would be brought to consent to it I told him that they could not help themselves, and must consent; besides that, if the tithe Bill is passed they will have got the security for the Church which they require, and the ground of objection to the Corporation Bill would be cut fro to a neutral like me, to hear what each party says of the concessions of the other I see in the 'Examiner' this day that 'the Lords cannot now pass the Bill if they would, without disgracing their party in the House of Coive up the appropriation clause in the tithe Bill without covering therace is not inconcessions which reason and expediency demand, and which are indispensable to the peace and tranquillity of the country, but in ever having pledged themselves to measures for party purposes, or to acco the consequences of such pledges, or esti effect to the principles they avowed This applies s about the tithe Bill than to the Tories about the Corporations; but it does apply to both, and it is a national reat parties so commit themselves that no adjustment of the question at issue between them is possible without some detriment to the credit and character of both

[5] [He was entirely an Englishman, for he was born at Boston before Aland, and his whole family came to this country when the war broke out]

March 18th, 1837 {p391}

[Page Head: THE BISHOPS IN A FERMENT]

Three weeks, and nothing written The dejection of the Tories at the division on the Corporation Bill has been since relieved by that on the Church-rates, which they consider equivalent to a victory; and so it is, for the probability is that the Bill will not pass the House of Coood upon both these matters Just before the question carand _flare-up_ in the House of Lords The Archbishop of Canterbury (Howley), with as much venom as so mild a man can muster, attacked the Bill Melbourne replied with some asperity, and the Bishop of London (Blomfield) retorted fiercely upon his abused the Bishops, both vehemently I don't admire their conduct, either as to temper or discretion The Church had better not be ry collision with the King's Priry debate which took place was not contemplated by the Bishops It had been settled that the Archbishop should ainst the measure in the name of his brethren, which he did in a speech (for hiood, for he is a miserable speaker at all times Melbourne's severe remarks provoked the Bishop of London (Blomfield), who had not intended to speak, and he said to the Archbishop, 'I must answer this,'

who replied, 'Do' His abrupt and animated exordium, 'And so, my Lords,' was very much admired

This Church rate Bill, however, is a bad Bill; it gives little satisfaction to anybody except to the Dissenters, who have no right to require such a concession to what they absurdly call their scruples of conscience One of the underwhippers of Government dropped the truth as to the real cause of such a measure, when he said that, 'if they had proposed Althorp's plan, they should have had all the Dissenters against theinally one of considerable difficulty, is now doubly so, and its solution will not be easy, especially by this Governe that no experience can open the eyes of inveterate Tories and High Churchmen, and that successive defeats have not de able to resist the passing of enial to public opinion

There is, however, so discreditable in the conduct of Govern, hand-to-mouth way in which they are compelled to scramble on

Upon the ballot the 'Times' published a list of at least twentythe Tories to fight the Radicals and make the majority, and such a measure as this Church-rate Bill is utterly inconsistent with Lord John Russell's declarations last year This division has again revived the question of dissolution and change of Governreat deal of speculation If the Lords dare throw out the Corporation Bill, the Governh not else; but it is next to impossible they should venture on this

March 31st, 1837 {p393}

[Page Head: APPROPRIATION CLAUSES ABANDONED]

So I thought upon the 18th of March, but so I do not think now In the first place, I hear from those who are well informed that the Lords have made up their minds to throw out this Bill Lord John Russell has n if they do, and in that case Peel has made up his to coreat body of the Whigs are at all prepared to go out So the Bill, others that the Tories would take office, or that Melbourne and his friends would so certainly resign it Lord Spencer wrote to John Russell, and told hiht that (being still supported by a n, but Lord John wrote hi reasons why his retention of office under such circureat change in the face of affairs The small majority on the Church rate Bill, the unpopularity of the n relations (since Evans's defeat in Spain more especially), have had a material effect upon the moral efficacy of the Government It is non that Government have abandoned the appropriation clauses in the tithe Bill, and this has grievously offended many of their violent, thick and thin supporters, more especially as it was the particular question on which they turned Peel out; and the grand principle, therefore, on which the Government was bound in honour and consistency to stand The Ministers none of them possess any public confidence in their individual or official capacities; the King detests them, the country does not care for them, and the House of Con there will be no repetition of the scenes of their former expulsion and triumphant return to power The saht about I hearon without a dissolution, and the most interested adherents of Government (Tavistock for exaht to it now than he had on the former occasion Peel's undoubted fitness for office, his vast superiority to all the other public ed, and I doubt very much whether he would experience any such factious and unco opposition as would seriously obstruct the march of his Government, particularly if its composition should be tolerable, and his measures judicious and liberal It is very remarkable that when he wanted to take in Stanley and Graham formerly, he desired thethened his hands in the establishreat body of his Tory supporters, and they refused upon the pretext that they had no security for his being liberal enough; and nohen of course he must and will place whatever offices they please at their disposal, so far fro an addition of bigotry and illiberality which will perpetually cast difficulties and embarrassments in his way It is a curious o on with these men, how his coldness, prudence, and reserve will suit the intemperate and often injudicious vivacity of Stanley With Graham there would not be so much difficulty, and _his_ principles would not be found too inflexible Nothing shocks his old Whig associates more than the contrast between his present conduct and opinions, and the extreme violence which he displayed at the period of his accession to office in 1831; he was in fact the most ultra Liberal of Lord Grey's Cabinet, and now he is little better than a Tory

[Page Head: THE KING'S ADDRESS TO LORD AYLMER]

The King, who is a thorough party e; he never loses an opportunity of showing his antipathy to his confidential servants The other day at the reception of the Bath, when Lord Aylave that sort of dra Aylmer had been recalled from Canada by this Govern called out to Lord Minto and Lord Palhts of the Bath), and made theht not lose a word of his oration, and then he began He told them that he wished to take that, thehim that he approved most entirely of his conduct in Canada, that he had acted like a true and loyal subject towards a set of traitors and conspirators, and behaved as it becaet the exact expressions, but it was to this effect, to the unspeakable satisfaction of Aylmer, and to inflict all the ed up to witness this ebullition

Another circue of Ministry, which is, that the question is not argued as if it were a struggle for authority between the Lords and the Cole would be well calculated to excite a constitutional jealousy The Lords, however, pretend that their support of the Protestant interest is not only in itself constitutional, but more in accordance with the sentiments of the nation than the measures of the Government are The two parties are pretty evenly balanced, but the strength of the Opposition lies in the Lords, and it is altogether a question of party tactics, and not of constitutional principle Of all men, Peel is the last to favour any attempt to question the virtual supremacy of the House of Commons, and if he becomes Minister, and has a h tide of the Lords will begin to ebb, and everything will be seen to settle down into the usual practice If a victory is achieved, it will not be that of the Lords over the Cos and Radicals

The fierce dispute between Sydney Save birth to his paht by Sydney and accorded by the Bishop, when they are said to have discussed the matter in dispute with temper and candour, and to have parted amicably It will probably prevent the appearance of Sydney's second pareat admiration of the capacity of the Bishop, and owned that he had convinced him upon some of the points which they had to discuss I did not hear what the Bishop said of the Prebend

[6] [The well-known letter of Sydney Sleton in defence of Deans and Chapters]

A the many old people who have been cut off by this severe weather, one of the hton at above eighty years of age She was not a clever woenerous, honest, and affectionate, greatly beloved by her friends and relations, popular in the world, and treated with unifor, as a despicable creature, grudged her the allowance he was bound to make her, and he was always afraid lest she should make use of some of the documents in her possession to annoy or injure him

This mean and selfish apprehension led him to make various efforts to obtain possession of those the appearance of which heothers, one rehton soer to Mrs Fitzherbert, he called one day at her house, when she was ill in bed, insisted upon seeing her, and forced his way into her bedrooet rid of hi out of her, but this domiciliary visit determined her to make a final disposition of all the papers she possessed, that in the event of her death no advantage ainst her own ly selected those papers which she resolved to preserve, and which are supposed to be the docue IV, and made a packet of them which was deposited at her banker's, and all other letters and papers she condemned to the flaton and Lord Albemarle, told them her determination, and in their presence had these papers burnt; she assured the was destroyed, and if after her death any pretended letters or docuive the most authoritative contradiction to their authenticity

May 13th, 1836 {p397}

[Page Head: MEETING AT APSLEY HOUSE]

I have been six weeks without writing a line, and though no great events have occurred, the aspect of affairs has been continually shi+fting and changing About a o it was supposed the fall of the Government was at hand, and when the crisis was over it was found that they had really been in danger The Duke of Wellington called aat Apsley House just before the Corporation Bill careat point waskept secret till the last moment The mystery excited some curiosity, but after all it only turned out to be what everybody had long before talked about, the postponement of the Committee This was done by the Duke in a very bad speech, so bad that Fitzgerald and others were obliged to try and do away its effect byout that he did not reater numbers than usual It then remained to be seen what Lord John Russell would do, and it was reported that hethe tithe Bill, but he did no such thing

He cao on with all their bills, and moreover, that while they retained the confidence of the House of Coain it seeinally anticipated will take place at last, and there will be no change This declaration of Lord John's is at variance with his former resolution, and so I told Tavistock it would appear to be He admitted that it would, but said that John claination; that whenever he was satisfied that he had no reasonable prospect of carrying his measures, he should retire, but not till then; and that one defeat ought not to aht to have forinal declaration, in order to obviate allthe last week the Westh the Govern no part, all Brooks's moved heaven and earth for Leader, and until the day of nomination they were confident of his success Bets were two to one in his favour, and a great deal was lost and won