Volume III Part 12 (1/2)

To-day there was a Council at St Jaha, and I hear did it well The King speechified as usual, and gave theues; he said it was just four years since he had very unwillingly taken the Seal fro it to hi 'cohaive up the Seal,' which is true, for the Duke wrote to hiha compared this crisis with that which befell his father in 1784, when he had placed the governhaement, but that there was this difference, that the country was now in a state of excitement and disquiet, which it was free froreat firmness of the Duke (here the Duke bowed); that the Administration which was then formed had lasted seventeen years (of course he meant that of Pitt, which succeeded the coalition), and he hoped that this which was about to be forh at his time of life if it did he could not expect to see the end of it

Noveha, and admirable it is--not a syllable about himself, but with reference to the appointnified, and appropriate _Si sic omnia_, what a man he would be

Nove I received a note fro one fro received any specific answer to his note stating the terms on which he would support the Duke Henry was disconcerted also, and entreated ly went to the Court of Exchequer, where he was sitting, and waited till he caave him these notes to read He took me aith him, and stopped at the Home Office to see the Duke and talk to hireat and dangerous a potentate is the wielder of the thunders of the press After a long conference he ca he could not pledge himself nor Sir Robert Peel (as to be the Minister) before he arrived, and eventually I agreed to draw up a paper explanatory of the position of the Duke, and his expectations and vieith regard to the 'Times' and its support This I sent to him, and he is to return it to me with such corrections as he may think it requires, and it is to be shown to Barnes to-e Head: BROUGHAM ASKS FOR THE CHIEF BARONshi+P]

On the way Lyndhurst told ha that he should beto the country, as he was content to take it with no higher salary than his retiring pension and some provision for the expense of the circuit He said he would show me the letter, but that he had left it with the Duke, so could not then He knoell enough that, whatever may be the fate of this Govern the Great Seal, but I own I do not co this appointh to induce him to apply for it to his political opponents, and incur all the odiuenerally known He would not consider hiue-tied in the House of Lords any h the former took the situation under a sort of condition, either positive or i like a neutrality, he considered hireat Reforan, and the consequence was that the secret article in the treaty was also cancelled, and Denine that the King would not agree to Broughah the Duke and Lyndhurst should be disposed to place hiht be some convenience in it He must cut fewer capers in erht have been expected, this intended stroke of Brougham's was a total failure Friends and foes condemn hiues only knew of it after it was done Duncannon told me he neither desired nor expected that his offer would be accepted--November 30th]

November 24th, 1834 {p158}

I sent Lyndhurst a paper to be read to Barnes, which he returned to me with another he had written instead, which certainly was much better The Duke's note and this paper were read to hiratified by an offer Lyndhurst ; so, then, I leave the affair I took a copy of Lyndhurst's paper, and then returned it and the note to hiham, Lord John Russell, and Lord Lansdowne Lady Holland told me that she had been the channel of co the Chief Baronshi+p to Lyndhurst had been carried on, and she declared that there was no secret article in it I believe, however, that there was one concluded between Broughaton street Leach brought the original n in favour of Lyndhurst I hear of nothing but the indignation of the ex-Ministers at the uncourteousness of the Duke's conduct towards thegeration in the coainst what one hears, as I verified yesterday in a particular case

Novee Head: THE WHIGS ON THE RECENT CHANGE]

Barnes is to dine with Lord Lyndhurst, and a gastronoh contracting parties I walked hoh he could not telland Melbourne, what is stated to have passed is not the truth I heard elsewhere that the Whigs insist upon it there was no disunion in the Cabinet, and that Lord Lansdowne and Rice had seen the Irish tithe Bill (the Irish Chancellor being the supposed subject of disunion), and that they both agreed to its provisions Duncannon said that if the King had insisted upon the diso on with the rest, he would have put therand dilemma, for that such a requisition would have met the concurrence of haned_ even then, and that it would have been very dangerous to turn hihly convinced that the present appearances of indifference and tranquillity in the country are delusive, and that the elections will rouse a dormant spirit, and that the minor differences of Reformers and Liberals of all denominations will be sunk in a determined hostility to the Government of Peel and the Duke He says that the Irish Churchthe question between the two parties to an immediate and decisive test; that if the new Government are beaten upon it, as he thinks inevitable, out they o; that the return of the Govern er measures Duncannon does not conceal the ultra-Liberal nature of his opinions, and he would not regret the accomplishment of his predictions It cannot be concealed that there is nothing very i the event as so certain as he does; still less can I partake of the blind confidence and sanguine hopes of the Tories

One thing is, however, very clear, that the Whigs and the Radicals will join (as Lyndhurst said they were sure to do), and that they will both declare war to the knife against the Tory Government

The best hope and chance is that a nued,like a balance between the extre from insult and peremptory dictation, and afford the new Government a fair trial, and on the other hand declare at once and without reserve their determination to continue without interruption the course of rational and effectual reforh Tory maxims and acquiescence in the desires of the country with respect to the correction of abuses the indispensable conditions of the present Government's retention of office

Novee Head: POLICY OF THE PEEL GOVERNMENT]

Yesterday Lord Wharncliffe came to me He had just been with the Duke, who received him very cordially, and showed him the correspondence andand Melbourne He says that it is evident that Melbourne despaired of being able to carry on the Govern's objection was the nomination of Lord John Russell to lead the Government in the House of Coree to, because he had already declared his sentiard to the Church and his resolution of supporting it to the bishops and on other occasions, and that Lord John Russell had signalised himself in the House of Coard to the Establishe for o to the Duke on purpose Wharncliffe says that he is quite satisfied frohly convinced of the necessity of adopting a line of conduct in conformity with the state of public opinion and determination in the country, and that he is prepared to abandon (as far as he is concerned) the old Torythat, however this may (if Peel concurs) facilitate the formation and secure the duration of the new Govern considerable loss of character He gave no indication of such a disposition during the last session; it is all reserved for the period when he is possessed of power It is, however, at present all very vague, and we shall see what his notion is of a Liberal course of policy I fear that he and Peel are both too deeply committed on the Irish Church question to suffer theard to it, and then the difficulties of the question are so enormous that it seems next to impossible to compose them The respective parties drive at different objects; one wants to appropriate the surplus revenue, the other wants to secure to the parsons their tithes, and while they are quarrelling with unable fierceness upon these points, the Irish settle the question by refusing to pay any tithe, and by evading every attempt that is made to procure the payment in some other shape or under some other denomination

The Duke told Wharncliffe that both he and the King were fully aware of the importance of the step that his Majesty had taken--that this is, in fact, the Conservatives' last cast--and that he (the King) is resolved neither to flinch nor falter, but having e to the mast and put forth all the constitutional authority of the Crown in support of the Governly inclined to think that this determination, when properly ascertained, will have considerable influence, and that, provided a respectable and presentable Cabinet be forh the Crown is not so powerful as it was, there probably still rereat deal of attach can show a fair case to the country, there will be found both in Parliament and out of it a vast number of persons ill reflect deeply upon the consequences of co to a serious collision with the Throne, and consider whether the exigency is such as to justify such extremities It may be very desirable to purify the Irish Church, to remodel corporations, and to relieve the Dissenters in various ways, and nobody can entertain a shadow of doubt that all these things reat and pressing urgency The fate of the nation does not depend upon their being all accoed off-hand, and if the Governenial to the public feeling generally, and wars not with the genius of Reforreat majority of the nation will shrink fro, and fro him an insult in the shape of dictation and peremptory demand, which he would consider himself bound in honour and in conscience to resist

I walked hoht, and I told him this; he seemed struck by it, but still maintained that Parliament would, in his opinion, not accept the new Ministry on any terh Tory language, I think so too, and I can scarcely hope that it should be otherwise Myfro from his character

Noveot a letter frohts and Measures Bill, and begging that, if possible, an Order in Councilthe operation of the Act I availed ton, and went to the Home Office to consult hi this business I began about the recent negotiation between Lyndhurst and Barnes, and this led to a discussion of the circumstances and situation of affairs, in the course of which he toldthat had occurred I asked him if _he_ had sent the 'Statement' which appeared in the 'Tiuess how they had got it, but that by whatever means it was as near as possible to the truth I said that this was utterly and perey,[2] and desired hi a letter which he had written to certain Peers of his party--a circular--which he read tointo particulars) the causes of the break-up of the late Govern, and he told ot papers and letters in confirmation of every word that he had written (Melbourne's correspondence with the King and the minute of the conversation), all which he said he would show me then, but that it would take up too much time However, as we proceeded to talk it over he told me all that these papers contained, or at least all that was athered it and as I re and descanted on the great difficulty in which the Government was placed in consequence of Lord Spencer's death, and had intimated that the measures which he should find it necessary to propose to him would produce a difference of opinion in the Cabinet--in point of fact that it was, to say the least, probable that Rice and Lansdoould retire When he went down to Brighton, and they talked it over, Lord Melbourne put it to his Majesty whether under existing circu himself in their hands, or whether he would dispense with their services, only recoo on with this Government (with such modifications as circumstances demanded) he would declare such resolution as speedily as possible[3] The Duke says he did not actually tender his or their resignations, did not throw up the Governested the difficulty of his situation, and Melbourne told hiton, and depend upon it he would get him out of it' 'In fact,' said the Duke, 'Melbourne told hi did send for the Duke, and it is true that Melbourne offered to be the bearer of his Majesty's letter When soer, Melbourne said, 'No ive it to entleman and a man of honour than Melbourne did, and that his opinion of hiht Melbourne could not have given his colleagues an exact and correct account of what had passed, for that they could not conceive themselves to have been so ill-treated if it was so, and that if he had told theht he had abandoned their interests He said that it was evident Melbourne was very happy to disengage himself from the concern (As all this case will probably be discussed in Parliament, we shall see that the debate will turn principally upon the fact of disunion, and I have little doubt that Rice and Lansdoill declare that they had no intention of quitting So much depends upon verbal niceties, and the bounds between truth and falsehood are so narrow, the partition so thin, that they will, I expect, try to back up their party without any absolute breach of veracity) When the King was reading the papers to hi hiht_ lest the Duke should think he had acted imprudently, and should decline to accept the Government Then the Duke said, 'Sir, I see at once how it all is

Your Majesty has not been left by your Ministers, but so very like it;' and His Majesty was rejoiced when the Duke at once acquiesced in taking office

[2] [Mr Algernon Greville, brother of Mr Charles Greville, was private secretary to the Duke of Wellington both in and out of office]

[3] [This statement has certainly not been confirmed by the subsequent publication of papers or by the narrative of the King hiton should have been led to believe it; but this is only another proof of the extree of what passes in conversation between two persons, even when both of theood faith]