Volume II Part 20 (1/2)

On my way from Melbourne called on Lord Harrowby, and read a variety of letters--answers from different Peers to his letters, Wharncliffe's correspondence with the Duke of Wellington, and Peel's answer to Lord Harrowby Wharncliffe wrote a long and very conciliatory letter to the Duke, nearly to the effect of Lord Harrowby's circular, and containing the sa letter, written evidently in a very ill hury, ill expressed, and confused, and froible but this, 'that he are of the consequences of the course he should adopt himself,' and wished the House of Lords to adopt, viz, the saht, the responsibility would not lie on his shoulders, but on those of the Governed that a creation of Peers would swa, destroy the Constitution, but the Government would be responsible, not he, for the ruin that would ensue; that he are so from his former declaration of the 30th of Nove himself, nor take thisbut talk nonsense, despair, and be obstinate, and then he is hampered by declarations (froed from causes connected with the Catholic question and the Test and Corporation Acts to attend encies of the country, but with much more personal authority than anybody, and still blindly obeyed and followed by men many of whom take very rational and dispassionate views of the subject, but who still are resolved to sacrifice their own sense to his folly He really has accoacity of his predictions, but froe Head: PEEL'S DESPONDENCY]

Peel's letter, though arriving at the same conclusion, was in a very different style It certainly was an able production, well expressed and plausibly argued, with temper and moderation He owned that much was to be said on the side of the question which he does not espouse, but the reasons by which he says he is overned are these: that it is of vital importance to preserve the consistency of the party to which we are to look for future safety, and that when this excitement has passed away the conduct of the anti-Reformers will have justice done to it But there is a contradiction which pervades his argument, for he treats the subject as if all hope had vanished of saving the country, 'desperat de republica,' and he does not proe fro it in connection with the folly and wickedness of the other party (who he is persuaded bitterly regret their own precipitate violence and folly), he expects it to prove serviceable as an exaenerations All the evils that have been predicted may flow from this measure when carried into complete operation, but it is neither statesame in despair, and surrender every point, and waive every compensation, in order to preserve the consistency of himself and his own party, not that their consistency is to produce any advantage, but that hereafter it

May point a moral or adorn a tale

So senseless is this, that it is clear to , and that he proe from the adoption of such a course Peel 'loves'

himself, 'not wisely but too well'

February 9th, 1832 {p249}

[Page Head: CONVERSATION WITH LORD GREY]

Yesterday I met Lord Grey and rode with him I told him that the Tories were pleased at his speech about the Irish tithes He said 'he did not knohy, for he had not said what he did with a view to please them' I said because they looked upon it as an intimation that the old Protestant ascendency was to be restored

He rejected very indignantly that idea, and said he had never contemplated any ascendency but that of the law and the Govern used to consider themselves as the sole representatives of the law and the Government, that they took the assertion he had ain to be exercised as in bygone times He then asked me if I knehat Lord Harrowby had done, said he had spoken to him, that he was placed in a difficult position and did not knohat to do I said that Harroas exerting hi people round, that I had reason to believe Harrowby had reat impression, but that most of the Peers of that party were out of town, and it was impossible to expect them on the receipt of a letter of invitation and advice to reply by return of post that they would abandon their leaders and their party, and change their whole opinions and course of action, that I expected the Archbishop and Bishop of London would go with him, and that they would carry the bench He said the Bishop of London he had already talked to, that the Archbishop was such a poor, miserable creature that there was no dependence to be placed on hihtened and vote any way his fear directed Then he asked, how ht Lords and eight bishops' He said that was not enough I said I knew that, but he must have patience, and should reht the Catholic Bill into the House of Coainst him in the House of Lords of twenty-five, and he carried the Bill by a hundred He said he should like to talk to Harrowby again, which I pressed him to do, and he said he would I find Lord John Russell sent for Sandon, and told hi Peers, and entreated hi done by his father and his associates as soon as possible, that there was no time to be lost, that he should not deny that he wished Peers to be made, not now, but after the Reform Bill had passed I called on Lord Harrowby in the afternoon, and found him half dead with a headache and dreadfully irritable Letters had co, Lord Carteret ditto, and very i I told him what had passed between Lord Grey and reat in refusing to listen to any ter every concession in the House of Cohtest alteration, that he despaired of doing anything with theree to make a sham resistance in Coo into Co that they should not avail themselves of the probable disunion of the Tories to carry all the details of their Bill The difficulties are iether, it is possible so may be done, provided they will approach each other in a _spirit_ of compromise It is certainly easier now, and very different froht they _could_ make no concession In the House of Lords they may without difficulty I dread the obstinate of both parties

February 11th, 1832 {p251}

Wharncliffe cahton he had seen Sir Andrew Barnard, and showed hi hiht mention it to Taylor if he liked, and if Taylor had any wish to see it he should Accordingly Taylor sent hilad to have an intervieith hi conversation, in the course of which Taylor gave hi had consented to everything about the creation of Peers, but _emens_, and that he was ht of this measure The end was that a memorandum was drawn up of the conversation, and of Wharncliffe's sentiments and intentions, which were much the saotiations This was taken away by Taylor and shown to the King, and copies of it were forwarded to Grey, Brougha, and after dinner his Majesty took hiree with every word you say; we are indeed in a scrape, and we et out of it as we can I only wish everybody was as reasonable and as ht do so perhaps without difficulty' That the King is alarmed is pretty clear, but it is more probable that his alarm may influence his Ministers than himself, and it looks very much as if it had done so Sir H Taylor likewise told Wharncliffe that the Duke of Wellington had written a letter which had been laid before the King, and had given hireat offence, and that it certainly was such a letter as was unbeco in any subject to write This letter is supposed to have been addressed to Strangford; it got into Londonderry's hands, and he laid it before the King (upon the occasion of his going with soht be left with hiford is that the word 'Viscount' was apparent at the bottom, but the name was erased In the meantime Harrowby has had some conversation with Lord Lansdoho pressed the necessity of th, and added that if the Archbishop could be induced to declare hily working incessantly upon the Archbishop on the one hand, while he exhorts to patience and reliance on the other

Yesterday he took a high tone with Lord Lansdowne, told him that he had, as he firmly believed, as many as twenty-five Lords, lay and spiritual, with him, which would make a difference of fifty, but that as to a public irrevocable pledge, it was not to be had, and that Lord Grey must place confidence in his belief and reliance upon his exertions, or, if not, hewith hiht to the post, the e Head: WELLINGTON AND WHARNCLIFFE]

In the ton's peevish reply to Wharncliffe, and the reason why Lord Harrowby's letter to Lord Bagot was unanswered for ten days, and then couched in terht have been expected Lord Hoas at Bliffield at the time, and they, between theton, who of course wrote his sentiot acted My brother told me yesterday that the Duke had seen the letter, and that _Lord Howe_ had been the person who sent it him This explains it all Wharncliffe's letter was but another version of Lord Harrowby's, and he had therefore in fact seen it before, but seen it addressed to those whom he considered bound to hiry and jealous at Lord Harrowby's interference Nothing could be ot's conduct, for he never asked Lord Harrowby's leave to communicate the letter, nor told hiave hiies) ing to his reflection and his consulting his brother the bishop The Duke, no doubt, gave him his own sentiments; yet, in his letter to Wharncliffe, he says 'he has not endeavoured to influence anybody, nor shall he;' and at the same time eludes the essential question 'whether he will support in Committee' So much for Tory candour As to the Duke, he is evidently piqued and provoked to the quick; his love of power and authority are as great as ever, and he can't endure to see anybody withdrawn from his influence; provoked with himself and with everybody else, his mind is clouded by passion and prejudice, and the consequences are the ill-humour he displays and the aboreat o where he will, let the consequences be what theyeven a reason; _sic vult sic jubet_ is enough for thee of the friends of Government out of doors--Dover, for instance, who has been one of the noisiest of the bawlers for Peers I walked with hiht before last, and he talked only of the break-up of the 199, and of the activity of Harrowby and Wharncliffe and its probable effects

February 14th, 1832 {p254}

On Saturday evening I found Melbourne at the Ho, silent hu and to say very little; told me that Dover and Sefton were continually _at_ the Chancellor to reat influence with hiham led by Dover and Sefton!! I tried to i Harrowby credit, and not exacting as not to be had, viz, the _pledges_ of the anti-Refor He owned that in their case he would not pledge hily as I could all the various argu Peers (to which he ell inclined to assent), and pressed upon hi the Tories and the Conservative party to the last degree, and placing such an impassable barrier between public men on both sides as should make it impossible for them to reunite for their coe Head: CONVERSATION WITH LORD PALMERSTON]

In the evening I got aI would call on hin Office yesterday He is infinitely more alert than Melbourne, and more satisfactory to talk to, because he enters with an by referring to the list of Peers likely to vote for the second reading, which I showed to hihthis own belief that Lord Harroould have a sufficient following, he must not produce the list or quote the naiven any authority to be so counted; that he lad to mar our projects, and they could notto these Peers the use that had been reed entirely He then talked of the expediency of a declaration from Lord Harrowby, and how desirable it was that it should be made soon, and be supported by as many as could be induced to come forward; that Lord Grey had said to hied to create Peers I said that my persuasion was that it would be quite unnecessary to do so _to carry the second reading_; that nothing was required but confidence in Lord Harrowby, and that his character and his conduct on this occasion entitled him to expect it from them; that if they were sincere in their desire to avoid this measure they would trust to his exertions; that I knew very well the efforts that were made to force this measure on Lord Grey; that it was in furtherance of this that Duncoot up, which had been such a complete failure; but that I could not believe Lord Grey would suffer himself to be bullied into it by such despicable means, and by the claed on by friends of his own He said this was very true, but the fact was they could not risk the rejection of the Bill again; that he knew from a variety of communications that an explosion would inevitably follow its being thrown out on the second reading; that he had had letters from Scotland and other places, and had no doubt that such would be the case I said that he would find it very difficult to persuade our friends of this, and it appeared tofor the Bill and the exciteree renewed by its rejection, but no man could doubt that modifications in it, which would have been io, would now be easy; that if it was not for that unfortunate declaration of Lord Grey, by which he ht safely consent to such changes as would make the adjustard to the rejection of the Bill, whatever exciteht produce, it was evident the Governue Parliament for a week and make their Peers, and they would _then_ have an excellent pretext--indeed, so good a one that it was inconceivable tothat course

This he did not deny I then told him of the several conversations between Lord Harrowby and Lords Grey and Lansdowne, and ainst Lord Grey's availing hi the Opposition (produced by his support of the second reading) to carry those points, to resist which would be the sole object of Lord Harrowby in seceding from his party; and that Lord Grey had said he could not ht in a Bill which we have ood as we can; it is for you to propose any alterations you wish to ood There are indeed certain things which, if carried against us, would be so fatal to the principle of the Bill that Lord Grey would not consider it worth carrying if so amended; but on other details he is ready to subainst him' I said that would not do, that I otiations and the disposition which was then expressed to act upon a principle of mutual concession; that when Lord Harrowby and his friends were prepared to concede to its fullest extent the principle of disfranchiseht propose alterations in a few particulars), they had a right to expect that the Govern some of those equivalents or compensations which they should look for in the alterations or additions they ht propose He said that 'while Lord Harroas afraid that Ministers ht avail themselves of his weakness to carry their details, _they_ were afraid lest Lord Harrowby and his friends should unite with the

ultra-Tories to beat them in Committee on some of the essential clauses of the Bill' I replied, then it was fear for fear, and under the circu that each party should act towards the other in a spirit of good faith, and without taking any accidental advantage that ht accrue either way We then discussed the possibility of an agreement upon the details, and he enquired what they would require I told him that they would require an alteration of Schedule B to exclude the town voters from county representation, perhaps to vary the franchise, and soard to which I could not speak positively at the ht beall the towns doubleoff the lower ones that had one; that it was intended no man should have a vote for town and county on the _same_ qualification, and he believed there were very feould possess the double right That I said wouldthe others laid great stress upon He seeht be done As to the 10, he said he had at first been disposed to consider it too low, but he had changed his h We then talked of the metropolitan members, to which I said undoubtedly they wished to strike them off, but they knew very well the Governet from Lord Harrowby specifically what he would require, and he would give me in return what concessions the Government would probably be disposed to make; that these should be communicated merely as the private opinions of individuals, and not as forether into soht forward a petition fro that they had been entrapped into signing Lord Verula The object was to produce a discussion about the Peers It totally failed, but it was got up with an openness that was indecent by Durharave, Dover) under the gallery to hear it The thing was ridiculed by Peel, fell flat upon the House, and excited disgust and contempt out of it

I afterwards saw the Duke of Richmond, who said that Dover and Sefton had both attacked hi Peers, and he should like to kno they knew it I told him, from the Chancellor, to be sure, and added how they were alorking at him and the influence they had with hi Peers was not enough to carry the question; that if it was done it must be by a minute of the Cabinet, with the na must determine; that if the dissentients seceded upon it it would be i Peers on the Catholic question by the Duke of Wellington, that he and some others had resolved, should it have been done, to avail themselves of the power of the House to come down day after day and move adjournments before any of the new Peers could take their seats; that the sah it would produce a revolution I told him that I had little doubt there were men ould not scruple to adopt any course, however violent, that the power of Parliament would admit of; that there were several ere of opinion that the creation of Peers would at once lay the Constitution prostrate and bring about a revolution; that they considered it would be not a remote and uncertain, but a sure and proxi it they could crush their opponents they would do so without hesitation

In the meantime the cholera has made its appearance in London, at Rotherhithe, Limehouse, and in a shi+p off Greenwich--in all seven cases These are ast the lowest and most wretched classes, chiefly Irish, and a iven by the medical men who called at the Council Office yesterday I never heard They are in the most abject state of poverty, without beds to lie upon The men live by casual labour, are eet no more than four or five hours' employment in the course of the week They are huddled and crowded together by faers, but procuring a temporary shelter; in short, in the radation that can be iined On Saturday we had an account of one or more cases We sent instantly down to inspect the district and organise a Board of Health A s needful should be done, but as theyWe have sent down anise boards; but, if the disease really spreads, no huean stable

February 14th, 1832 {p259}