Part 15 (1/2)

On August 29, 1916, the President appeared before a joint session of the Congress and reco strike Following this, the chairman of the Interstate Coht in a bill, non as the Adaht-Hour Lahich, after several unsuccessful attened by the President on September 5th

CHAPTER XXV

GERMAN PROPAGANDA

Early in January, 1916, Geran a drive on both Houses of Congress for the passage of a resolution warning or forbidding A to citizens or subjects of the belligerent nations Petitions of various kinds, dean to pour in upon us at the White House from various parts of the country While these petitions were signed by many devoted, patriotic Americans, it was clear to those of us ere on the inside of affairs that there lay back of this movement a sinister purpose on the part of Gerive Gerht be permitted to carry on her unlawful and inhuman sub Democratic and Republican senators and representatives soon became its ardent advocates, until it looked as if the resolution ht pass with only a small minority found in opposition to it Those of us ere in the Executive offices, and intimately associated with the President, kept in close touch with the situation on Capitol Hill and were advised that theand that it could not be checked A resolution was finally introduced by Representative McLemore, of Texas, and quickly received the support of Senator Gore of Oklahoma, and Senator Stone of Missouri, chairn Relations What the attitude of the President should be toward it was the subject of discussion between the President, two of his Cabinet officers, and myself, after a session of the Cabinet early in February, 1916

The President was advised by the Cabinet officers ho the matter that it would be a hopeless task on his part to atte in favour of the passage of the McLemore resolution, and that were he to atteht result in a disastrous defeat of his leadershi+p, that would seriously ehout the nation

At the conclusion of this conference the President asked me whether my information about affairs on Capitol Hill and the attitude of the members of the House and Senate toward the McLemore resolution was in accord with the information he had just received from his Cabinet officers I told him that it was, but that so far as I was concerned I did not share the opinion of the Cabinet officers and did not agree with the advice which they had volunteered, to the effect that it would be useless for hiht to pass the McLeardless of what the attitude of those on Capitol Hill was toward the resolution, he could not afford to allow the matter to pass without a protest from hi a fight to h seas The discussion between the President, the Cabinet officers, and myself becao into the fight, while I was most anxious to have him do so Evidently, what I said made an impression upon the President and he asked me, as our conference was concluded, to let hi my views upon the subject

Shortly after the conference, Senator Stone, chairn Relations of the Senate, asked for an appointment with the President, to confer with hi the McLeested to the President that inas it would be wise and prudent if, in answer to his letter asking for an appointment, the President should frankly state his vieith reference to the proposed resolution The President acted upon this suggestion and the letter was immediately dispatched to Senator Stone

My letter to the President, advising him of the situation, was as follows:

THE WHITE HOUSE, WAshi+NGTON

February 24, 1916

DEAR GOVERNOR:

What I have heard since leaving you thisconfirht passes) to set forth your position to the country on the McLemore resolution in terms that no one can misunderstand In the last hour I have talked with Speaker Clark, Senator Pittman, and Mr Sims of Tennessee, and have received impressions from them which lead me to conclude: first, that the consideration of this resolution cannot er be postponed, as Speaker Clark so inforressman Doremus and Senator Pitt down I a this resolution is a purpose to discredit your leadershi+p, for the forces that are lined up for this fight against you are the anti-preparedness crowd, the Bryan-Kitchen-Clark group, and some of the anti-British Senators like Hoke Sly at once to send an identic letter to both Representative Flood, chairn Relations Comn Relations Committee of the Senate The letter, inideas:

First, explain in the frankest fashi+on just what Secretary Lansing attereeovernment was informed by Geriving the passengers a , and how, in order to stave off such a contingency, we tried as the friend and in the interest of hu submarine warfare within the bounds of international law

Second, explain that a possible adjustht now, and that, of course, while we cannot change international law upon our own initiative, we are still of the hope that soerentssuch a resolution as the McLe threshed out between the executive branches of the Governn governeneral agreehts without destroying the whole fabric of international law, for in the last analysis this is what is involved To yield one right to-day means another to- round of convenience or expediency may lead us These laws are the product of centuries Our forefathers fought to establish their validity, and we cannot afford for the sake of convenience when our very life is threatened, to abandon theround of convenience or expediency

Fourth, to pass such a resolution at this time would seriously embarrass the Department of State and the Executive in the conduct of thesedone to bring about a peaceful solution of these probleest, in your letter to Senator Stone, that to pass favorably upon a resolution of this kind at this ti lack of confidence in the Government, and particularly in its Chief Executive?

Thepapers have outlined the details of the opposition a the sa with eoing to support you I would suggest that you insert the following in your letter to Senator Stone:

”I think that not only would such a vote on this resolution be construed as a lack of confidence in the executive branch of the Government in this most delicate matter but if the division continues as I am informed within the ranks of the Democratic party, it will be difficult for me to consider that the majority party speaks the will of the nation in these circumstances and as between any faction in my party and the interests of the nation, I must always choose the latter, irrespective of what the effect will be onfor in this s that have n nation She cannot yield the her own impotency as a nation and the surrender of her independent position a the nations of the world”

Sincerely, TUMULTY

The letter of the President to Senator Stone was published in thepapers of February 25, 1916, and is as follows:

THE WHITE HOUSE, WAshi+NGTON

February 25, 1916

MY DEAR SENATOR:

I very warmly appreciate your kind and frank letter of to-day, and feel that it calls for an equally frank reply You are right in assu in my power to keep the United States out of war I think the country will feel no uneasiness about h many anxious months I have striven for that object, amid difficulties more manifold than can have been apparent upon the surface, and so far I have succeeded I do not doubt that I shall continue to succeed