Part 5 (1/2)

Woodrow Wilson

Dear Tumulty,

I want to issue this statement to help Mr Hoover and his Co, and head off mischief-makers (or, rather, one particular mischief-maker who is a little out of his mind) on this side the water

Will you not please read it to Lansing over the phone and, if he has no objection to offer, give it out?

A glimpse at the President's huing together of these practical men on so happy and free an occasion did much to convince the members of the Senate that the new Governor after all was like the to serve the interests of a great state

This affair broke the ice, and after that there was a close intiislature, both Deht about the enactraraislative body The Legislature had convened in January and by the e that the Governor had h the Senate hich he had to deal was largely Republican

As the legislative session progressed it appeared that certain Democratic senators were reluctant to follow his leadershi+p Indeed it was also apparent that the Republicans were alike unwilling to act favourably upon his legislative suggestions In this situation he summoned the Dees in the platform and served notice that if they did not vote for these measures they would have to explain to their constituents He then summoned the Republican senators and said to theislation proposed was promised in the Democratic platfored to this action But if you obstruct the action I shall have to trouble you to go with me to your districts and discuss these matters with your constituents and tell theislation and why you resisted it”

The newspapers of the country soon began to discuss the achievements of the Wilson administration in New Jersey and ian to be mentioned in connection with the Presidency

One of the matters of national i this legislative session was the passage of railroad grade- crossing legislation In response to the agitation that had long existed in New Jersey for the elis, the Democrats had inserted a radical plank in their platforislature had passed a grade-crossing bill, to which the railroads of the state strenuously objected It was a reatest public interest and importance that for hout the state While the bill was before the Governor for consideration, the railroad attorneys had prepared long, co the bill as unjust to the railroads and as containing many features which in their essence were confiscatory

When the bill came before the Governor for final action no one considered for a moment the possibility of a veto, first, because of the traditional attitude of the Des; and, secondly, because of the effect a veto would have upon the progressive thought of the country I recall very well ard to thisthat he was at this tiressives of the country were awaiting with keen interest his action on the bill, I feared the effect upon his political fortunes that a veto of the bill would undoubtedly have

The Baltimore Convention was only a few months away and it was clear to rounds upon which he would veto this legislation, his ene influenced by the New Jersey railroad interests ere engaged in a islation In fact, e came to discuss the matter, I frankly called this phase of it to his attention I tried to make him see the effects such a veto would have upon his political fortunes, but he soon made it clear to me that he was un thethe matter with me, he said: ”I realize the unjust and unfortunate inference that will be drawn by my political enemies from a veto of this bill, but the bill, as drawn, is unjust and unfair to the railroads and I ought not to be afraid to say so publicly I cannot consider the effect of a veto upon n this bill it would mean practically a confiscation of railroad property and I would not be worthy of the trust of a single mail in the state or in the country were I afraid to do my duty and to protect private property by my act” His attitude toward the bill was clearly set forth in the veto, part of which is as follows:

I know the seriousness and great consequence of the question affected by this irounded and iislation should be adopted whereby the grade crossings of railhich everywhere threaten life and interfere with the convenience of both city and rural communities should as rapidly as possible be abolished

But there is certainly not a deislation which is unjust and impracticable

The non-enactment of this bill into laill, of course, be a serious disappointment to the people of the state, but it will only concentrate their attention upon the just and equitable way of acco the end in view I do not believe that the people of the state are in such haste as to be willing to work a gross injustice, either to the railroads or to private owners of property, or to the several communities affected

Of course his political enemies hout the country in every state can where his fortunes as candidate were involved As a matter of fact, his veto of this bill did shock the people of the state, but when they seriously considered the overnor had, at least, done an honourable and a courageous thing in refusing to approve it

Discussion of hi I had felt a delicacy about talking of this with hi the banks of the Delaware and Raritan Canal between office hours, I, one day, made bold to open, the subject in this way: ”It is evident fro considered for the Presidency” I could plainly see froestion that he did not resentthe discussion I told hi letters at the Executive offices froraislature As we discussed the possibilities of the Presidential situation, he turned tohis hand to his , said: ”I do not know, Tu the next four years” And then looking around as if he were afraid uninvited ears , he continued: ”For the next President will have a war on his hands, and I aood war President” This reply greatly excited my curiosity and interest and I said: ”With what nation do you think ill have a war?” Very cautiously he said: ”I do not care to name the nation,” and our little talk ended This statement was made to me in April, 1911 Was it a prophecy of the war that was to burst upon the world in August, 1914?

CHAPTER XII

COLONEL HARVEY

Upon the coislative work of the first session of the New Jersey Legislature the na Presidential possibility Intie, afterward United States Ae and Robert Bridges, the two latter old friends and classmates of the Governor in the famous class of '79 at Princeton, set about by conferences to launch the Presidential boom of their friend, and selected for the task of the actualPrincetonian, Willia lawyer of New York These gentlemen, and other devoted friends and advisers of the Governor, ent, and at once initiated a plan of publicity and organization throughout the country They arranged to have the New Jersey Governor visit strategic points in the country to make addresses on a variety of public questions Whether Colonel Harvey was behind the scenes as the adviser of this little group I have never ascertained, but _Harper's Weekly_, then edited by the Colonel, was his leading supporter in thethe name of the Princetonian at its mast-head as a candidate for the Presidency There were frequent conferences between the Colonel and the Governor at the Executive offices, and as a result of these conferences the Wilson boo to be reckoned with by the Old Guard in control of party affairs in the nation

Wilson stock froan to rise, and his candidacy spread with great rapidity, until in nearly every state in the Union ”Wilson Clubs” were being established The New Jersey priain he met and defeated the Sates with the favourite son, Governor Haruished Democrat; and the Wisconsin priave a tre move was serenelyin the Wilson camp, when like a thunderclap out of a clear sky broke the story of the disagreement between Colonel Harvey, Marse Henry Watterson, and the Governor of New Jersey I recallthe Harvey- Watterson conference at a New York club As private secretary to the Governor, I always made it a rule to keep in close touch with every conference then being held regarding the political situation, and in this way I first learned about the Harvey-Wattersonwhich for a feeeks threatened to destroy all the lines of support that had been built up throughout the past anization

The Governor and I were seated in a trolley car on our way from the State Capitol to the railroad station in Trenton when he infor to understand the possible dae he had done his own cause, of what followed the conference the previous day

It was like this: the conference had ended and they were leaving the room when Colonel Harvey put his hand on Woodrow Wilson's shoulder and said: ”Governor, I want to ask you a frank question, and I want you to give me a frank answer In your opinion is the support of _Harper's Weekly_ helping or hurting you?” In telling me of it Woodrow Wilson said: ”I was most embarrassed, and replied: 'Colonel, I wish you had not asked me that question' 'Well, what is the answer?' Colonel Harvey insisted pleasantly

'Why, Colonel, so ht feel that way about it, and we shall have to soft-pedal a bit'” Mr Wilson was so serenely unconscious that any offence had been taken that when informed by me a little later that his name had disappeared from the head of the editorial column of _Harper's Weekly_ he did not connect this with the interview

”Was Colonel Harvey offended?” I asked ”He didn't seem to be,” was the Governor's answer