Part 8 (1/2)

CONFEDERATION AND THE PARTIES

We are to consider now the long-vexed question of the connection of Mr Broith the coalition of 1864 Ought he to have entered the coalition govern it in 1865? Holton and Dorion told him that by his action in 1864, he had sacrificed his own party interests to those of John A Macdonald; that Macdonald was in serious political difficulty, and had been defeated in the legislature; that he seized upon Brown's suggestionhimself in office; that for the sake of office he accepted the idea of confederation, after having voted against it in Brown's committee A ht that Reformers should accept no representation in the cabinet, but that they should give confederation an outside support That Macdonald and his party were immensely benefitted by Brown's action, there can be no doubt For several years they had either been in Opposition, or in office under aentirely upon a majority from Lower Canada By Brown's action they were suddenly invested with an overwhel majority, and they had an interrupted lease of power for the nine years between the coalition and the Pacific Scandal

Ad that the interest of the country warranted this sacrifice of the interests of the Liberal party, we have still to consider whether it ise for Mr Brown to enter the ministry, and especially to enter it on the conditions that existed The Lower Canadian Liberals were not represented, partly because Dorion and Holton held back, and partly because of the prejudice of Tache and Cartier against the Rouges; and this exclusion was a serious defect in a ministry supposed to be formed on a broad and patriotic basis The result was, that while the Liberals were in a islature, they had only three representatives in a overnment, with its do of political combinations, was bound to lose its character of a coalition, and become Conservative out and out

A broader question is involved than that of the e obtained by Macdonald and his party in the retention of power and patronage There was grave danger to the essential principles of Liberalisuardian Holton put this in a re the debate on confederation It was at the time when Macdonald had overn the debate to a conclusion, in the face of indignant protests and demands that the scheme should be submitted to the people Holton told Brown that he had destroyed the Liberal party Henceforth its ether, in Upper and Lower Canada, under the Liberal banner Then followed this remarkable appeal to his old friend: ”Most of us remember--those of us who have been for a few years in public life in this countryspeech delivered by the honourable member for South Oxford in Toronto in the session of 1856 or 1857, in which he described the path of the attorney-general [Macdonald] as studded all along by the gravestones of his slaughtered colleagues Well, there are not wanting those who think they can descry, in the not very re for the noblest victim of theentleth--and he has great strength--and to discard the blandishments and the sweets of office, and to plant himself where he stood formerly, in the affections and confidence of the people of this country, as the forehts of the people, as the forees of a free parliament--unless he hastens to do that, I very much fear that he too may fall a victim, the noblest victim of them all, to the arts, if not the arms of the fell destroyer”

There was a little hueration in the personal references to Macdonald, for Holton and he were on friendly terht in his words Though Macdonald had outgrown the fossil Toryisovern not de with individuals rather than with people in thehis ends by private letters and interviews, and by other forms of personal influence, rather than by the public advocacy of causes association with him was injurious to men of essentially Liberal and democratic tendencies, and subordination was fatal, if not to their usefulness, at least to their Liberal ideals Macdougall and Howland remained in the ministry until confederation was achieved, and found reasons for re there afterwards At the Reform convention of 1867, when the relation of the Liberal party to the so-called coalition was considered, they defended their position with skill and force, but the association of one with Macdonald was very brief, and of the other very unhappy Mr Howland was not a very keen politician, and a year after confederation was accoovernor of Ontario Mr Macdougall had an unsatisfactory career as a minister, with an unhappy termination He was clearly out of his element Mr

Tilley was described as a Liberal, but there was nothing to distinguish hiues in his methods or his utterances, and he became the champion of the essentially Conservative policy of protection

But the most notable example of the truth of Holton's words and the soundness of his advice was Joseph Howe Hoas in Nova Scotia ”the forehts of people, the forees of free parliaments” He had opposed the inclusion of Nova Scotia on the solid ground that it was accoth he bowed to the inevitable In ceasing to encourage a useless and dangerous agitation he stood on patriotic ground But in an evil hour he was persuaded to seal his subovernrapher says that Howe's four years in Sir John Macdonald's cabinet are the least glorious of his whole career ”Howe had been accustomed all his life to lead and control events He found hiovernment of which Sir John Macdonald was the supreme head, and of a cast of mind totally different froer, an opportunist whose unfailing judgly to pursue the course most likely to succeed each hour, each day, each year Howe had the genius of a bold Reforht in continents, dreareat ideas Sir John Macdonald busied himself hat concerned the i, and yet Sir John Macdonald was a leader who peres Cartier, a man not to be named in the same breath with Howe as a statesman, was, nevertheless, a thousand times of more moment and concern with his band of Bleu followers in the House of Commons, than a dozen Howes, and the consequence is that we find for four years the great olda far froure in the arena”[18] What Holton said by way of warning to Broas realized in the case of Howe He was ”the noblest victim of them all”

From the point of view of Liberalism and of his influence as a public man, Brown did not leave the ministry a moment too soon; and there is ht to have refused to enter the coalition at all, and confined hieneral support to confederation By this means he would not have been responsible for the ht into effect, nant to those essential principles of Liberalism of which Brown had been one of the fores there was a violation of those rights of self-government which had been so hardly won by Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick The Quebec conference was aof persons who had been chosen to administer the affairs of the various British provinces under their established constitutions, not to make a new constitution Its deliberations were secret It proceeded, without abody, whose poere obtained at the expense of those of the provinces With the same lack of popular authority, it declared that the provinces should have only those pohich were expressly designated, and that the reserve of power should be in the central governing body Had this body been created for the Canadas alone, this proceeding ht have been justified, for they were already joined in a legislative union, though by practice and consent some features of federalism prevailed But Nova Scotia and New Brunsere separate, self-governing communities, and it was for them, not for the Quebec conference, to say what powers they would grant and what powers they would retain Again the people of Canada had declared that the second chamber should be elected, not appointed by the Crown The Quebec conference, without consulting the people of Canada, reverted to the discarded system of noe at the disposal of the federal government The constitution adopted by this body was not, except in the case of New Brunswick, submitted to the people, and it can hardly be said that it was freely debated in the parliament of Canada, for it was declared that it was in the nature of a treaty, and must be accepted or rejected as a whole In the midst of this debate the people of New Brunswick passed upon the scheeneral election, and condeovern pressure to bear upon the province; and while it was contended that this pressure was only in the forovernor, who strained his powers to compel the ministry to act in direct contravention of its mandate from the people, and when it resisted, forced it out of office It is true that in a subsequent election this decision was reversed; but that is not a justification for the eration to say that Nova Scotia was forced into the union against the express desire of a large us uments that lie in the mouth of a Liberal And if we say that the confederation, in spite of these taints in its origin, has worked well and has solved the difficulties of Canada, we use an arguht justify the forcible annexation of a country by a powerful neighbour

Again, there was much force in Dorion's contention that the new constitution was an illiberal constitution, increasing those powers of the executive which were already too large To the inordinate strength of the executive, under the delusive name of the Crown, may be traced many of the worst evils of Canadian politics: the abuse of the prerogative of dissolution, the delay in holding bye-elections, the gerry the decree of a governovern one branch of the legislature with its own noe used in regard to education, and in regard to the creation of new provinces, pretexts were furnished for federal interference in local affairs But for the resolute opposition of Mowat and his colleagues, the subordination of the provinces to the central authority would have gone very far towards realizing Macdonald's ideal of a legislative union; and recent events have shown that the danger of centralization is by no means at an end

It was a true, liberal and patriotic i the dead-lock of 1864 He desired that Upper Canada should be fairly represented in parliae its local affairs He desired that the Maritime Provinces and the North-West should, in the course of ti the coalition he became a participant in a different course of procedure; and if we give hiest share, of the credit for the ultimate benefits of confederation, we cannot divest hiht about, so long, at least, as he reovernment

In the year and a half that elapsed between his withdrawal froeneral election under the new constitution, he had a somewhat difficult part to play He had to aid in the work of carrying confederation, and at the sa the Liberal party, which had been temporarily divided and weakened by the new issue introduced into politics In the Reform convention of 1867 the attitude of the party towards confederation was considered It was resolved that ”while the new constitution contained obvious defects, it was, on the whole, based upon equitable principles and should be accepted with the determination to work it loyally and patiently, and to provide such amendments as experience from year to year may prove to be expedient” It was declared that coalitions of opposing political parties for ordinary adance and the abandonment of principle; that the coalition of 1864 could be justified only on the ground of i just representation for Upper Canada, and should come to an end when that object was attained; and that the temporary alliance of the Reforall, who had decided to remain in the ministry, strove to maintain that it was a true coalition, and that the old issues that divided the parties were at an end; and their bearing before a hostile audience was tactful and courageous But Brown and his friends carried all before theainst the proposal to turn the coalition formed for confederation into a coalition for ordinary ade of unusual fervour he asked whether his Refor in the train of John A Macdonald

It is difficult to understand how so chiovernment led by Macdonald could have been entertained by practical politicians A permanent position in a Macdonald ministry would have been out of the question for Brown, not only because of his standing as a public man, but because of his control of the _Globe_, which under such an arrangean of the Conservative government There were also all the elements of a powerful Liberal party, which soon after confederation rallied its forces and overthrew Sir John Macdonald's governovernall every credit for good intentions, itin his political fortunes with Sir John Macdonald, and that both he and Joseph Hoould have found ies and a wider field of usefulness, in fighting by the side of Mackenzie and Blake

FOOTNOTES:

[18] Longley's _Joseph Howe_, ”Makers of Canada” series, pp 228, 229

CHAPTER XXI

CANADA AND THE GREAT WEST

Very soon after his arrival in Canada, Mr Brown became deeply interested in the North-West Territories He was thrown into contact with men who knew the value of the country and desired to see it opened for settle the struggle for responsible governnature of ”Legion” advocating that principle, and as for a tiovernment In 1847, Mr Sullivan delivered, in the Mechanics' Institute, Toronto, an address on the North-West Territories, which was published in full in the _Globe_ The Oregon settlereat ard trek of the A that the Americans would occupy and become masters of the British western territory, and outflank Canada, unless steps were taken to settle and develop it by British subjects There was at this time much misconception of the character of the country, and one is surprised by the very accurate knowledge shown by Mr Sullivan in regard to the resources of the country, its coal measures as well as its wheat fields

Mr Brown also obtained much information and assistance from Mr

Isbester, a ”native of the country, who by his energy, ability and intelligence had raised himself from the position of a successful scholar at one of the schools of the settleraduate of one of the British universities, and to a teacher of considerable rank This gentle prominent members of the House of Commons to interest theh hiainst the injustice and persecution which the colonists of the Red River Settle”[19]

Mr Brown said that his attention was first drawn to the subject by a deputation sent to England by the people of the Red River Settleoverned by the Hudson's Bay Coht be thrown open for settlement ”The movement,” said Mr Broell received by the most prominent states in the hands of a trading company was readily admitted; and I well remember that Mr Gladstone then made an excellent speech in the Co that the charter of the company was not valid, and that the islation But the difficulty that constantly presented itself hat should be done with the territory were the charter broken up; what government should replace that of the cohtened member of the Red River deputation to London, that this difficulty would be ht to the territory Through a reed to have the question thoroughly agitated before the expiry of the coiven the subject soht it before the public” Mr Brown referred to the matter in his ain in 1856 he gave notice of motion for a committee of inquiry, but was interrupted by other business In 1852, the _Globe_ contained an article so ree of the country that it may be reproduced here in part

”It is a remarkable circumstance that so little attention has been paid in Canada to the i to the north of our boundary line, and known as the Hudson's Bay Company's Territory

There can be no question that the injurious and deion of four ht to an end, and that the destinies of this immense country will be united with our own It is unpardonable that civilization should be excluded froht of ownershi+p, for the benefit of two hundred and thirty-two shareholders

”Our present purpose is not, however, with the validity of the Hudson's Bay Company's claim to the country north of the Canadian line--but to call attention to the value of that region, and the vast commercial importance to the country and especially to this section, which eneral impression entertained is, that the territory in question is a frozen wilderness, incapable of cultivation and utterly unfit for colonization This impression was undoubtedly set afloat, and has beenas that opinion could be kept up, their charter was not likely to be disturbed But light has been breaking in on the subject in spite of their efforts to keep it out