Part 5 (1/2)

George Brown John Lewis 112800K 2022-07-20

Eventually it was found possible to carry out Mr Brown's idea of free education for every child in the province, and yet to allow Roman Catholic separate schools to be maintained To this compromise Mr

Brown became reconciled, because it did not involve, as he had feared, the destruction of the free school system by division The Roman Catholics of Upper Canada were allowed to maintain separate denominational schools, to have them supported by the taxes of Rorants So far as the education of Protestant children was concerned Mr Brown's advocacy was successful He opposed denominational schools because he feared they would weaken or destroy the general systereement which was finally arrived at, this fear was not realized In his speech on confederation he admitted that the sectarian system, carried to a limited extent and confined chiefly to cities and towns, had not been a very great practical injury The real cause of alarm was that the admission of the sectarian principle was there, and that at any ree as to split up our school systeradually extend itself until the whole country was studded with nurseries of sectarianism, most hurtful to the best interests of the province and entailing an enoral a system of public instruction must inevitably entail”

This, however, was not the only question at issue between Mr Brown and the Roman Catholic Church It happened, as has been said above, that on his first entry into parlia was the city of Quebec The Edinburgh-bred man found himself in a Roman Catholic city, surrounded by every evidence of the power of the Church As he looked up froalleries he saw a Catholic audience, its character emphasized by the appearance of priests clad in the distinctive garreat then that Church and to add to its privileges His spirit rose and he grew th of the forces opposed to hi an injustice to the loss over or minimize a ies which he hiht with swords of lath, and whoever wants to read of an old-fashi+oned ”no popery” fight, carried on with abounding fire and vigour, will find plenty of matter in the files of the _Globe_ of the fifties His success in the election of 1857, so far as Upper Canada was concerned, and especially his acco a Toronto seat for the Reforitation that aroused all the forces and many of the prejudices of Protestantis Roman Catholics, both in Upper and in Lower Canada His manliness attracted theot, seeking to force his opinions on others, but a brave and generousfor principles And in Lower Canada there were many Roman Catholic laymen whose hearts ith hile to free the electorate froht for the separation of Church and State, he came into conflict, not with Roman Catholics alone In his own Presbyterian Church, at the tily upheld the side which was identified with liberty For several years after his arrival in Canada he was fighting against the special privileges of the Anglican Church He often said that he was actuated, not by prejudice against one Church, but by hatred of clerical privilege, and love of religious liberty and equality

In 1871 Mr Brown, in a letter addressed to proht-forward account of his relations with the Roman Catholic Church It is repeated here in a somewhat abbreviated form, but as nearly as possible in his oords In the early days of the political history of Upper Canada, the great mass of Catholics were staunch Refor Street rule, froy reserves and frolican Church with special privileges and powers; they gave an intelligent and cordial support to liberal and progressive measures They contributed to the victory of Baldwin and Lafontaine But when that victory was achieved, the Upper Canadian Refor to deprive them of its fruits,--”the French-Canadian members of the cabinet and their supporters in parliament, blocked the way” They not only prevented or delayed the h parliaonized Reforh much less nu to the common purse hardly a fourth of the annual revenue of the United Provinces, the Lower Canadians sent an equal number of representatives with the Upper Canadians to parliament, and, by their unity of action, obtained coement of public affairs” Unjust and injurious taxation, waste and extravagance, and great increases in the public debt followed Seeking a remedy, the Upper Canadian Refor Upper Canada its just influence in the legislature, and second, the entire separation of Church and State, placing all deno each to support its own religious establishments from the funds of its own people They believed that these measures would re, and would bring about solid prosperity and internal peace The battle was fought vigorously ”The most determined efforts were put forth for the final but just settleious sects were arrayed against each other Clergyion was brought into contempt, and opportunity presented to our French-Canadian friends to rule us through our own dissensions” Clergy reserves, sectarian schools, the use of the public funds for sectarian purposes, were assailed ”On these and many similar questions, ere met by the French-Canadian phalanx in hostile array; our whole policy was denounced in language of the strongest character, and the men who upheld it were assailed as the basest ofblow for blow, and feelings were excited areat bulk of theitation was carried on, however, until the grievances of which the Reformers complained were removed by the Act of Confederation

Under that Act the people of Ontario enjoy representation according to population; they have entire control over their own local affairs; and the last remnant of the sectarian warfare--the separate school question--was settled forever by a compromise that was accepted as final by all parties concerned

In this letter Mr Brown said that he was not seeking to cloak over past feuds or apologize for past occurrences He gloried in the justice and soundness of the principles and measures for which he and his party had contended, and he was proud of the results of the conflict He asked Catholics to read cale of history he had unfolded ”Let theorously as they please, but let not their old feuds with him close their eyes to the interests of their country, and their own interests as a powerful section of the body politic”

The censure applied to those antonly draw sectarian questions into politics, and set Catholic against Protestant, is just But it does not attach to those who attack the privileges of any Church, and hen the Church steps into the political arena, strike at it with political weapons This was Brown's position He was the sworn foe of clericalisitators whothe Roman Catholic Church, nor with those whose souls are filled with vague alarms of papal supre in churches to fight their Protestant neighbours He fought against real tyranny, for the rerievances When he believed that he had found in confederation the real reitation itation's sake It is not necessary to attempt to justify every word that reat conflict There was a battle to be fought; he fought with all the energy of his nature, and with the weapons that lay at hand He would have shared Hotspur's conteuns he would himself have been a soldier”

CHAPTER XIII

MOVING TOWARDS CONFEDERATION

To whom is due the confederation of the British North A vexed question The Hon D'Arcy McGee, in his speech on confederation, gave credit to Mr Uniacke, a leading politician of Nova Scotia, who in 1800 submitted a scheme of colonial union to the imperial authorities; to Chief-Justice Sewell, to Sir John Beverley Robinson, to Lord Durham, to Mr P S Hamilton, a Nova Scotia writer, and to Mr Alexander Morris, then member for South Lanark, who had advocated the project in a pamphlet entitled _Nova Britannia_ ”But,” he added, ”whatever the private writer in his closet may have conceived, whatever even the individual states as the public mind was uninterested in the adoption, even in the discussion of a change in our position so momentous as this, the union of these separate provinces, the individual laboured in vain--perhaps, not wholly in vain, for although his worka fire that would ultiht up the whole political horizon and herald the dawn of a better day for our country and our people Events stronger than advocacy, events stronger than men, have co, to bring out the truth of these writings and to ihtful man who has considered the position and probable future of these scattered provinces” Following Mr McGee's suggestion, let us try to deal with the question from the time that it ceased to be speculative and became practical, and especially to trace its development in the mind of onea course which led aloal of confederation The people of Upper Canada were steadily co injustice under the union; that they paid more than their share of the taxes, and yet that Lower Canadian influence was doislation and in the foritation convinced the before the true reree to Brown's remedy of representation by population

Brown opposed as reactionary the proposal that the union should be dissolved He desired not to go back to the day of ss--on the contrary, even at this early day, he was advocating the union of the western territories with Canada Nor was he at first in favour of the federal principle In 1853, in a forraislation for the two provinces, and a Reform convention held at Toronto in 1857 recoether with representation by population and the addition of the North-West Territories to Canada

In January, 1858, Brorote to his friend, Luther Holton, in a manner which showed an open mind: ”No honest man can desire that we should remain as we are, and what other way out of our difficulties can be suggested but a general legislative union, with representation by population, a federal union, or a dissolution of the present union

I am sure that a dissolution cry would be as ruinous to any party as (inA federal union, it appears to itatedfor politics when that iven to the provincial legislatures, and what to the federal? Would you abolish county councils? And yet, if you did not, ould the local parliaments have to control? Would Montreal like to be put under the generous rule of the Quebec politicians? Our friends here are prepared to consider dispassionately any scheme that may issue from your party in Lower Canada They all feel keenly that so must be done

Their plan is representation by population, and a fair trial for the present union in its integrity; failing this, they are prepared to go for dissolution, I believe, but if you can suggest a federal or any other scheme that could be worked, it will have our most anxious examination Can you sketch a plan of federation such as our friends beloould agree to and could carry?”

Probably Dorion and other Lower Canadians had a part in converting Brown to federation In 1856 Dorion hadthe confederation of the two Canadas In August, 1858, Brown and Dorion undertook to fored to the settlement of the question that had arisen between Upper and Lower Canada Dorion says it was agreed by the Brown-Dorion government ”that the constitutional question should be taken up and settled, either by a confederation of the two provinces, or by representation according to population, with such checks and guarantees as would secure the religious faith, the laws, the language, and the peculiar institutions of each section of the country from encroachments on the part of the other”

At the same time an effort in the same direction was made by the Conservative party A T Galt, in the session of 1858, advocated the federal union of all the British North American provinces He declared that unless a union were effected, the provinces would inevitably drift into the United States He proposed that questions relating to education and likely to arouse religious dissension, ought to be left to the provinces The resolutionsthe promoters of confederation Galt was asked by Sir Ednation of the Brown government Galt refused, but when he subsequently entered the Cartier government it was on condition that the promotion of federal union should be eovernland in fulfilment of this promise, and described the serious difficulties that had arisen in Canada The movement failed because the co-operation of the Maritime Provinces could not be obtained

In the autu towards federation were taken In October the Lower Canadian members of the Opposition met in Montreal and declared for a federal union of the Canadas They went so far as to specify the subjects of federal and local jurisdiction, allowing to the central authority the custohts, and the currency; and to the local legislatures education, the laws of property, the administration of justice, and the control of theof the Liberal members of both Houses was held at Toronto, and a circular calling a convention of Upper Canadian Reformers was issued It declared that ”the financial and political evils of the provinces have reached such a point as to deh reconsideration of the relations between Upper and Lower Canada, and the adoption of constitutional changes frareat abuses that have arisen under the present systees had been discussed, but that it was felt that before cohout Upper Canada should be consulted” The discussion would be free and unfettered ”Supporters of the Opposition advocating a written constitution or a dissolution of the union--or a federal union of all the British North American provinces--or a federal system for Canada alone--or any other plan calculated, in their opinion, toevils--are all equally welcome to the convention The one sole object is to discuss the whole subject with candour and without prejudice, that the best rerievances for which a reht: ”The position of Upper Canada at thisWith a populationto the general revenue a er share of taxation than the sister province, Upper Canada finds herself without power in the administration of the affairs of the union With a constitution professedly based on the principle that the will of the majority should prevail, a minority of the people of Upper Canada, by combination with the Lower Canada majority, are enabled to rule the upper province in direct hostility to the popular will Extravagant expenditures and hurtful legislative e majorities of the representatives of the people; the most needful reforms are denied, and offices of honour and emolument are conferred on persons destitute of popular sy subserviency to the overn the country”

The convention of nearly six hundred delegates gave evidence of a genuine, popular h it was coeneral interest, and were upon a high level of intelligence and public spirit The convention was divided between dissolution and federal union Federation first got the ear of theFree access to the sea by the St Lawrence, free trade between Upper and Lower Canada, were urged as reasons for continuing the union Oliver Mowat made a closely reasoned speech on the same side Representation by population alone would not be accepted by Lower Canada Dissolution was i agitation Federation would give all the advantages of dissolution without its difficulties

Mowat's speech was received with ly for federation when George Sheppard arose as the chief advocate of dissolution Sheppard had been an editorial writer on the _Colonist_, had been attracted by Brown and his policy and had joined the staff of the _Globe_ His overnment under federation would be a costly and elaborate affair, and would ultiovernments of the provinces

There would be a central parliaovernnity would be all moonshi+ne” There was an inherent tendency in central bodies to acquire increased power In the United States a federal party had advocated a strong central governlory and influence On the other side was a dehts ”In Canada, too, we may expect to see federation followed by the rise of two parties, one fighting for a strong central governhts, local control, and the liu in the North-West Territory That ianizing the new territory, building its roads, etc ”Is this federation,” he asked, ”proposed as a step towards nationality? If so, I am with you

Federation implies nationality For colonial purposes only it would be a needless incumbrance”

This speech, with its accurate forecast of the growth of the central power, produced such an impression that the federalists aovernment, ”some joint authority” for federal purposes This concession was all, one of the secretaries and chief figures of the convention, who said that he had been ic The creation of a powerful, elaborate and expensive central government such as now exists did not form part of the plans of the Liberals either in Upper or Lower Canada at that time