Part 3 (1/2)

The Corn Laws, introduced in 1670, re-enacted in 1815, forbade any one to irown corn had reached eighty shi+llings a quarter It is easy to attack a syste widely in every century; but the idea was that the English farn rivals, and only when the price rose to a prohibitive point h that of the producer The revival of the old law in 1815 ed; the agricultural area had not been widely increased, but there were rowth of population in the industrial districts But while in 1815 the House of Co and corn-growing classes, between 1815 and 1840 opposition to their policy had lately been growing and had been organized, outside Parliaue of which Richard Cobden was the leading spirit Peel, though he had been brought up by his father a strong Protectionist and Tory, had been largely influenced by Huskisson, the most remarkable President of the Board of Trade that this country has ever seen, and had shown on rasped the principle of Free Trade as well as any statess had left the finances of the country in a very bad state, and Peel had to take sweeping ht in Budgets of a Free Trade character, designed to encourage co taxation, especially on raw material; and hean income-tax To this policy there were two exceptions, the Corn Laws and the Sugar Duties On the latter he felt that England, since she had abolished slave-owning, had a duty to her colonies to see that they did not suffer by the coar produced by slave labour elsewhere On the forht, so far as possible, to produce its own food and to be self-sufficing; and as a practical ricultural interest, so strongly represented in both Houses of Parliament, to pronounce what seeh these years he caive way to the interest of the nation; and his clear intellect was frouue and its orators In 1845 he was probably expecting that he would tide over this Parliaood harvests, and that at a general election he would be able to declare for a change of fiscal policy without going back on his pledges to the party Meanwhile his general attitude had been noted by shrewd observers Cobden hiham said, 'There can be no doubt that Sir Robert Peel is at heart as good a Free Trader as I aain'

A the causes which influenced Peel at theus of the way in which his opinion was changed over Catholic Emancipation Severe critics say that, to retain office, he surrendered to the agitation of Cobden, as he had surrendered to that of O'Connell Undoubtedly the increasing size and success of Cobden's itation, did cause Peel to consider fully what he had only half considered before: it did help to force open a door in his ht compartitation and a transfer of votes: it looked at the merits of the question and surveyed the interest of the whole country He had seen that the fall of a Protestant Church was less serious than the loss of Ireland: he no that a shock to the agricultural interest was less serious than general starvation in the country And as with the Clare election, so with the Irish potato famine in 1845: a definite event arrested his attention and clamoured for instant decision Peel was as humane a man as has ever presided over the destinies of this country, and the picture of Ireland's sufferings was brought forcibly before his iination by the reports presented to hie of the country His personal consistency could not be put in the balance against national distress

That the reat offence to his followers, there is no room to doubt Peel was naturally reserved in manner and in his Cabinet he occupied a position of such unquestioned superiority that he had no need of advice to make up his mind, and was apt to keepto consult his colleagues or not, the Irish potato famine forced his hand before he had done so When in November 1845 he made suddenly in the Cabinet a definite proposal to suspend the duties on corn, only three members supported hiht in by Mr Villiers[10] for repeal: only those who had been studying the situation as closely as Peel and with as clear a vision--and they were few--could understand this sudden declaration of a change of policy

After holding four Cabinet councils in one week, winning over soet a unani to personal disagreements, could not form a ministry and Queen Victoria asked Peel to retain office: it was evident that he alone could carry through the ent, and he steeled himself to face the breach with his own party As Lord John Russell had already pledged the Whigs to repeal, the issue was no longer in doubt; but Peel was not to win the victory without heavy cost Disraeli, who had been offended at not being given a place in the ricultural interest, and attacked his leader in a series of bitter speeches, opening old sores, and charging hies and betrayed his party The Protectionists could not defeat the Govern votes ensured a ton triumphed over the resistance of theby ninety-eight votes

[Note 10: The Right Hon C P Villiers, MP for Wolverhaan to advocate repeal in 1837, four years before Cobden entered Parliament]

But Peel kne uncertain was his position in view of the hostility aroused At this very time the Irish question was acute, as a Coercion Bill was under consideration, and this gave his enemies their chance

The Protectionist Tories made an unprincipled alliance for the moment with the Irish members; and on the very day when the Repeal of the Corn Laws passed the House of Lords, the ministry was defeated in the Commons The moment of his fall, when Disraeli and the Protectionists were loudest in their exultation, was the moment of his triu debate on Repeal he had refused to notice personal attacks: he now rose superior to all personal rancour

In defeat he bore hinity, and in his last speech ashim the chief credit for the benefits which the Bill conferred upon his fellow-countryues, Aberdeen, Sidney Herbert, and Gladstone, and was interpreted as being designed to mark clearly Peel's breach with the Conservative party The whole episode is illustrated in an interesting way in the _Life of Gladstone_ Lord Morley[11] reports a long conversation between the two friends and colleagues, where Peel declares his intention to act in future as a private member and to abstain fro that Peel had earned the right to retire after such labours ('you have been Prime Minister in a sense in which no other man has been since Mr Pitt's time'), pointed out how impossible it would be for him to carry out his intentions His personal ascendancy in Parliareat: men must look to hith, and had been suffering acutely fro accident but intensified by recent hard work For the moment repose was essential

[Note 11: Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, vol i, pp 297-300 (cf

Gladstone's own retirement in 1874)]

It was Gladstone, Peel's disciple and true successor, who seven years later paid the following tribute to his memory: 'It is easy', he said, 'to enureatness of Sir Robert Peel

It is easy to speak of his ability, of his sagacity, of his indefatigable industry But there was so yet more admirable

and that was his sense of public virtue; when he had to choose between personal ease and enjoyain, on the other hand, between political power and distinction, and what he knew to be the welfare of the nation, his choice was made at once When his choice was made, no man ever saw him hesitate, no ive it effect' Though his own political views changed, Gladstone always paid tribute to the moral influence which Peel had exercised in political life, purifying its practices and ennobling its traditions

For the last four years of his life he was in opposition, but he held a place of dignity and independence which few fallen ministers have ever enjoyed He was the trusted friend and adviser of Queen Victoria and the Prince Consort; he was often consulted in grave matters by the chiefs of the Government; his speeches both in the House and in the country carried greater weight than those of any minister Despite the bitterness of the Protectionists he seereat future before hily have called hi the age of sixty-two, he had a fall frorave injuries, and he only survived three days

The interest of Peel's life is almost absorbed by public questions He was not picturesque like Disraeli; he did not, like Gladstone, live long enough to be in his lifetiure; the public did not cherish anecdotes about his sayings or doings, nor did he lend hientleman to the backbone, in his tastes, in his conduct, in his nature His married life was entirely happy, he had a few devoted friends, he avoided general society; he had a genuine fondness for shooting and country life, he was a judicious patron of art, and his collection of Dutch pictures form to-day a very precious part of our National Gallery Just because of his aloofness, his gravity, the concentration of his energies, he is the best exalish states value and how he should bear himself in the hour of trial Within little more than half a century three famous politicians, Peel, Gladstone, and Chae of policy, and their conduct has been bitterly criticized by those to wholory of British politics that these traditions re, and no one of these statesret For all that, let us be thankful that from ti to a still higher call, of following their own individual consciences and of looking only to what, so far as they can judge, is the highest interest of the nation

CHARLES JAMES NAPIER

1782-1853

1782 Born in London, August 10

1794 Coiment

1800 At Shorncliffe with Sir John Moore

1809 Wounded and prisoner at Coruna

1810-11 Peninsula War: Busaco, Fuentes d'Onoro, &c Lieut-Colonel, 1811

1812-13 Bere at Farnham

1820 Corfu

1822-30 Cephalonia

1835 Living quietly in France and England

1837 Major-General

1838 KCB