Part 6 (1/2)
He suited the action to the word. Brand looked on, not much impressed.
”That is all nonsense, O'Halloran!” Lord Evelyn said, bluntly.
”I tell you,” O'Halloran said, with some vehemence, ”that the 14th of January, 1858, kept Louis Napoleon in such a state of tremor, that he would have done a good deal more than lend his army to Sardinia to sweep the Austrians out rather than abandon himself to the fate that Cavour plainly and distinctly indicated. But for the threat of another dose of Orsini pills, do you think you would ever have heard of Magenta and Solferino?”
He seemed to rouse himself a bit now.
”No,” he said, ”I do not approve of a.s.sa.s.sination as a political weapon.
It seldom answers. But it has always been the policy of absolute governments, and of their allies the priests and the police, to attribute any murders that might occur to the secret societies, and so to terrify stupid people. It is one of the commonest slanders in history. Why, everybody knows how Fouche humbugged the First Napoleon, and got up vague plots to prove that he, and he alone, knew what was going on. When Karl Sand killed Kotzebue--oh, of course, that was a fine excuse for the German kings and princes to have another raid against free speech, though Sand declared he had nothing in the world to do with either the Tugendbund or any such society. Who now believes that Young Italy killed Count Rossi? Rossi was murdered by the agents of the clericals; it was distinctly proved. But any stick is good enough to beat a dog with. No matter what the slander is, so long as you can get up a charge, either for the imprisoning of a dangerous enemy or for terrifying the public mind. You yourself, Mr. Brand--I can see that your only notion of the innumerable secret societies now in Europe is that they will probably a.s.sa.s.sinate people. That's what they said about the Carbonari too. The objects of the Carbonari were plain as plain could be; but no sooner had General Pepe kicked out Ferdinand and put in a const.i.tutional monarch, than Austria must needs attribute every murder that was committed, to those detestable Carbonari, so that she should call upon Prussia and Russia to join her in strangling the infant liberties of Europe. You see, we can't get at those Royal slanderers. We can get at a man like Sir James Graham, when we force him to apologize in the House of Commons for having said that Mazzini instigated the a.s.sa.s.sination of the spies Emiliani and Lazzareschi.”'
”But, good heavens!” exclaimed Brand, ”does anybody doubt that that was a political double murder?”
O'Halloran shrugged his shoulders, and smiled.
”You may call it murder if you like; others might call it a fitting punishment. But all I was asking you to do was to remove from your mind that bugbear that the autocratic governments of Europe have created for their own uses. No secret society--if you except those Nihilists, who appear to have gone mad altogether--I say, no secret society of the present day recognizes political a.s.sa.s.sination as a normal or desirable weapon; though it may have to be resorted to in extreme cases. You, as an individual, might, in certain circ.u.mstances, lawfully kill a man; but that is neither the custom, nor the object, nor the chief thought of your life.”
”And are there many of these societies?” Brand asked.
O'Halloran had carelessly lit himself another pipe.
”Europe is honey-combed with them. They are growing in secret as rapidly as some kindred societies are growing in the open. Look at the German socialists--in 1871 they polled only 120,000 votes; in 1874 they polled 340,000: I imagine that Herr Furst von Bismarck will find some difficulty in suppressing that Frankenstein monster he coquetted so long with. Then the Knights of Labor in America: you will hear something of them by-and-by, or I am mistaken. In secret and in the open alike there is a vast power growing and growing, increasing in volume and bulk from hour to hour, from year to year, G.o.d only knows in what fas.h.i.+on it will reveal itself. But you may depend on it that when the spark does spring out of the cloud--when the clearance of the atmosphere is due--people will look back on 1688, and 1798, and 1848 as mere playthings. The Great Revolution is still to come; it may be nearer than some imagine.”
He had grown more earnest, both in his manner and his speech.
”Well,” George Brand said, ”timid people may rea.s.sure themselves. Where there are so many societiets, there will be as many different aims.
Some, like the wilder German socialists, will want a general partic.i.p.ation of property; others a demolition of the churches and crucifixion of the priests; others the establishment of a Universal Republic. There may be a great deal of powder stored up, but it will all go off in different directions, in little fireworks.”
A quick light gleamed in those deep-set, lion-like eyes.
”Very well said!” was the scornful comment. ”The Czar himself could not have expressed his belief, or at least his hope, more neatly. But let me tell you, sir, that the ma.s.ses of mankind are not such hopeless idiots as are some of the feather-headed orators and writers who speak for them; and that you will appeal to them in vain if you do not appeal to their sense of justice, and their belief in right, and in the eternal laws of G.o.d. You may have a particular crowd go mad, or a particular city go mad; but the heart of the people beats true, and if you desire a great political change, you must appeal to their love of fair and honest dealing as between man and man. And even if the aims of these societies are diverse, what then? What would you think, now, if it were possible to construct a common platform, where certain aims at least could be accepted by all, and become bonds to unite those who are hoping for better things all over the earth? That did not occur to you as a possible thing, perhaps? You have only studied the ways of kings and governments--each one for itself. 'Come over my boundary, and I will cleave your head; or, rather, I will send my common people to do it, for a little blood-letting from time to time is good for that vile and ignorant body.' But the vile and ignorant body may begin to tire of that recurrent blood-letting, and might perhaps even say, 'Brother across the boundary, I have no quarrel with you. You are poor and ignorant like myself; the travail of the earth lies hard on you; I would rather give you my hand. If I have any quarrel, surely it is with the tyrants of the earth, who have kept both you and me enslaved; who have taken away our children from us; who have left us scarcely bread. How long, O Lord, how long? We are tired of the reign of Caesar; we are beaten down with it; who will help us now to establish the reign of Christ?”
He rose. Despite the unkempt hair, this man looked quite handsome now, while this serious look was in his face. Brand began to perceive whence his friend Evelyn had derived at least some of his inspiration.
”Meanwhile,” O'Halloran said, with a light, scornful laugh, ”Christianity has been of excellent service to Caesar; it has been the big policeman of Europe. Do you think these poor wretches would have been so patient if they had not believed there was some compensation reserved for them beyond the grave? They would have had Caesar by the throat by this time.”
”Then that scheme of co-operation you mentioned,” Brand said, somewhat hastily--for he saw that O'Halloran was about to leave--”that is what Ferdinand Lind is working at?”
The other started.
”I cannot give you any information on that point,” said O'Halloran, gravely. ”And I do not think you are likely to get much anywhere if you are only moved by curiosity, however sympathetic and well-wis.h.i.+ng.”
He took up his hat and stick.
”Good-bye, Mr. Brand,” said he; and he looked at him with a kindly look.
”As far as I can judge, you are now in the position of a man at a partly opened door, half afraid to enter, and too curious to draw back. Well, my advice to you is--Draw back. Or at least remember this: that before you enter that room you must be without doubt--_and without fear_.”
CHAPTER VI.