Volume V Part 13 (2/2)
Stevens as minister. Meantime the Provisional Government had organized a force of twelve hundred soldiers, got control of the arms and ammunition in the islands, enacted drastic sedition laws, and suppressed disloyal newspapers.
[Ill.u.s.tration: Portrait.]
Albert S. Willis.
So complete was its sway, and so relentless did the dethroned Queen threaten to be toward her enemies in case she recovered power, that Minister Albert S. Willis, on succeeding Mr. Blount, lost heart in the contemplated enterprise of restoring the monarchy. He found the Provisional Government and its supporters men of ”high character and large commercial interests,” while those of the Queen were quite out of sympathy with American interests or with good government for the islands. A large and influential section of Hawaiian public opinion was unanimous for annexation, even Prince Kunniakea, the last of the royal line, avowing himself an annexationist with heart, soul, and, if necessary, with rifle.
A farcical attempt at insurrection was followed by the arrest of the conspirators and of the ex-Queen, who thereupon, for herself and heirs, forever renounced the throne, gave allegiance to the Republic, counselled her former subjects to do likewise, and besought clemency.
Her chief confederates were sentenced to death, but this was commuted to a heavy fine and long imprisonment. After the retirement of the Democracy from power in 1896 the annexation of the islands was promptly consummated.
Walter Q. Gresham, Secretary of State in the early part of Cleveland's second term, died in May, 1895, being succeeded by Richard Olney, transferred from the portfolio of Attorney General. In a day, Cleveland's foreign policy, hitherto so inert, became vigorous to the verge of rashness. Deeming the Monroe Doctrine endangered by Great Britain's apparently arbitrary encroachments on Venezuela in fixing the boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana, he insisted that the boundary dispute should be settled by arbitration.
[Ill.u.s.tration: Portrait.]
Richard Olney.
The message in which the President took this ground shook the country like a declaration of war against Great Britain. American securities fell, the gold reserve dwindled. The President was, however, supported.
Congress was found ready to aid the Administration by pa.s.sing any measures necessary to preserve the national credit. In December, 1895, it unanimously authorized the appointment of a commission to decide upon the true boundary line between Venezuela and British Guiana, with the purpose of giving its report the full sanction and support of the United States. The dispute was finally submitted to a distinguished tribunal at Paris, ex-President Harrison, among others, appearing on behalf of the Venezuelan Republic. While Great Britain's claim was, in a measure, vindicated, this proceeding established a new and potent precedent in support both of the Monroe Doctrine and of international arbitration.
In 1894 a ten months' session of the famous Lexow legislative committee in New York City uncovered voluminous evidence of corrupt munic.i.p.al government there. The police force habitually levied tribute for protection not only upon legitimate trade and industry, but upon illicit liquor-selling, gambling, prost.i.tution, and crime. The chief credit for the exposures was due to Rev. Charles H. Parkhurst, President of the New York City Society for the Prevention of Crime. A fusion of anti-Tammany elements carried the autumn elections of 1894 for a reform ticket nominated by a committee of seventy citizens and headed by William L.
Strong as candidate for mayor. At the next election, however, the Tammany candidate, Van Wyck, became the first mayor of the new munic.i.p.ality known as Greater New York, in which had been merged as boroughs the metropolis itself, Brooklyn, and other near cities. As was revealed by the Mazet Committee, little change had occurred in Tammany's predatory spirit. In 1901, therefore, through an alliance similar to that which elected Mayor Strong, Greater New York chose as its mayor to succeed Van Wyck, Seth Low, who resigned the Presidency of Columbia University to become Fusion candidate for the position.
[Ill.u.s.tration: About fifty men standing in a Court room.]
The Lexow Investigation. The scene in the Court Room after Creeden's confession, December 15, 1894.
[Ill.u.s.tration: Portrait.]
Charles H. Parkhurst.
Copyright by C. C. Langill.
A recrudescence of the old Know-Nothing spirit in a party known as the ”A. P. A.,” or ”American Protective a.s.sociation,” marked these years. So early as 1875 politicians had noticed the existence of a secret anti-Catholic organization, the United American Mechanics, but it had a brief career. The A. P. A., organized soon after 1885, drew inspiration partly from the hostility of extreme Protestants to the Roman Catholic Church, and partly from the aversion felt by many toward the Irish. In 1894 the A. P. A., though its actual members.h.i.+p was never large, pretended to control 2,000,000 votes. Its subterranean methods estranged fair-minded people. Still more turned against it when its secret oath was exposed. The A. P. A. member promised (1) never to favor or aid the nomination, election, or appointment of a Roman Catholic to any political office, and (2) never to employ a Roman Catholic in any capacity if the services of a Protestant could be obtained. A. P. A.
public utterances garbled history and disseminated clumsy falsehoods touching Catholics, which reacted against the order. The a.s.sociation declined as swiftly as it rose. Chiefly affiliating with the Republicans, it received no substantial countenance from any political party.
[Ill.u.s.tration: Portrait.]
William L. Strong.
CHAPTER VIII.
LABOR AND THE RAILWAYS
<script>