Part 3 (1/2)
”But surely! Wasn't he there at the orders of the Board of Works?”
”At the orders of the contractor, your Majesty.”
”Who was under contract with the Board to complete by a certain date.”
”That, sir, cannot be denied.”
”Well, really then,” said the King, ”from what department does this objection to the donation emanate?”
”From no department, your Majesty. The objection is on general grounds of policy.”
The King's pride and modesty were becoming a little hurt; he was annoyed that so small a matter of private charity should be thus canva.s.sed and brought within the range of politics. Subconsciously he had also another and a more symbolic reason which helped him to show fight.
”Really, my dear General,” he said, ”I think we are discussing this matter very unnecessarily. The widow is still a widow, and the children, who you tell me number seven, are orphans; and surely at his death a man ceases to be either a blackleg or a trades unionist. He is not working against orders now, at any rate. Make it twenty! make it twenty.” (His utterance grew hurried; a way he had when crossed and anxious not to have to give way.) ”I can't hear anything more about it now: I have Bra.s.shay waiting to see me.” And as at that moment the Prime Minister was announced, the Comptroller-General, for the present at any rate, ”made it twenty” and retired. But he did so with a wry and a determined face.
As for the King he was thoroughly put out; the steeplejack was by a.s.sociation beginning to a.s.sume in his mind a very particular importance; he had become a symbol not merely of the sovereign himself, but of that act of statesmans.h.i.+p which he had been adjured to undertake by his favorite newspaper. This man, his prototype, had failed to add in completeness that l.u.s.ter which he had set out to add; had even died in the attempt; and here, in seeking with all his sympathies aroused to provide for the widow and children, the King was finding himself thwarted, and thwarted, too, on purely political grounds. Well, it should be a test: he would not be thwarted. The Cabinet couldn't resign on this; so he would do as he liked! And under the table, on a soft deep carpet of velvet-pile he stuck his heels into the ground and felt very determined.
And then he found that he must attend to something else, for the Prime Minister was speaking, and now at last was speaking on a very important matter.
IV
”Your Majesty,” said the Prime Minister, ”the Bishops are blocking all our bills; the business of the country is at a standstill.”
”Blocking?” queried the King; for he did know a little of contemporary history at all events.
”Amending,” corrected the Minister. ”Amending on lines which we cannot possibly accept.”
”Some of them seemed to me quite excellent amendments,” said the King.
”But, of course, I don't know.”
”They express, sir, no doubt, a point of view--quite an estimable point of view, if it were not a question of politics: they reflect, that is to say, the mind of the ecclesiastical side of the Spiritual and Judicial Chamber. Your Majesty's House of Laity sees things differently: I am bound, therefore, to submit to your Majesty certain important proposals for the relief of the impa.s.se at which we have now arrived. As no doubt, sir, you are aware, we have the Judges, the Juridical half of the Chamber, for the most part with us, since for the last few years their appointment has been entirely in our hands. But the Bishops, with the exception of one or two, are obdurate and immovable. We select the most liberal Churchmen we can find: but it is no use; each new Bishop, adopted by Dean and Chapter, becomes when once seated in the Upper Chamber, merely a reflection of those who have gone before him: the Juridical minority is swamped, the Spiritual element remains supreme, and we have no chance of obtaining a majority.”
”It is only because you will try to do things too fast!” said the King; but the Prime Minister continued--
”And now, sir, our one opportunity has come. The Bill for dividing the dioceses and doubling the number of the Bishoprics has just pa.s.sed into law. I flatter myself that when the Prelates a.s.sented to that Bill they did not realize how its powers might be directed. It is the proposal of your Majesty's advisers to nominate to those Bishoprics only Free Churchmen, men whose political views coincide with our own.”
”Free Churchmen!” cried the King, startled; ”but they are outside the Establishment altogether.”
”Merely on a point of Church discipline,” answered the Prime Minister.
”They are ministers properly ordained. When they seceded over the 'Church Government Act' they carried their full Canonical Orders with them: only as they had no Bishops they have become a diminis.h.i.+ng body.
Their beliefs, or their disbeliefs (for on many points the churches are merely maintaining an observance of definitions which their intellects no longer really accept)--their professed beliefs, then, shall I say?--in all matters of doctrine are not more heterogeneous than those which distract the councils and the congregations of the Establishment.
It is only on matters of administration and Church discipline that they fundamentally differ. We count upon the Free Church Bishops to give us a majority both on the secularization of charities and the opening of the theological chairs and divinity degrees of our Universities to all sects and communities alike. After that we shall be in a position to deal with State Endowment and with Education generally.”
”But will the Chapters, under such circ.u.mstances, accept the Crown's nominees?” inquired the King. ”And even if they do, may not the Bishops refuse to consecrate them?”
”The right in law of a Dean and Chapter to reject the Crown's nominee and to subst.i.tute one of their own has already been decided against them,” said the Prime Minister. ”As for the consecration, if the Bishops refuse their services we have an understanding with the exiled Archimandrite of Cappadocia to see the whole thing through for us.”
”Good Heavens!” cried the King, ”a black man with two wives.”