Part 12 (2/2)

”We are not .ghting with the left tendency,” said Dan jesuiticallyhe was the most expe-rienced, but also most futile of the leaders of the swamp. ”We are .ghting with the counter revolution. It is not our fault if behind your shoulders stand the agents of Germany.” The reference to Germans was merely a subst.i.tute for an argument. Of course these gentlemen could not point to any agents of Germany.

Tseretelli wanted to deal a blow; Dan merely wanted to show his .st. In its helplessness the Executive Committee sided with Dan. The resolution offered to the congress next day had the character of an exceptional law against Bolsheviks, but without immediate practical inferences.

”You can have no doubt after the visit of your delegates to the factories and regiments,” said a declaration addressed to the congress in writing by the Bolsheviks, ”that if the demonstration did not take place, it was not because of your veto, but because our party called it off.... The .ction of a military conspiracy was created by the members of the Pro-visional Government in order to carry out the disarming of the proletariat of Petrograd and the disbanding of the Petrograd garrison.. . . Even if the state power went over wholly into the hands of the Sovietwhich we advocateand the Soviet tried to put fetters upon our agitation, that would not make us pa.s.sively submit; we should go to meet imprisonment and other punishments in the name of the idea of international socialism which separates us from you.”

The Soviet majority and the Soviet minority confronted each other breast to breast three days as though for a decisive battle. But both sides stepped back at the last moment. The Bolsheviks gave up the demonstration. The Compromisers abandoned the idea of disarming the workers.

Tseretelli remained in the minority among his own people. But nevertheless from his point of view he was right. The policy of union with the bourgeoisie had arrived at a point where it became necessary to paralyse the ma.s.ses who were not reconciled to the coalition. To carry the Compromise policy through to a successful endthat is, to the establishment of a parliamentary rule of the bourgeoisiedemanded the disarming of the workers and soldiers.

But Tseretelli was not only right. He was besides that powerless. Neither the soldiers nor the workers would have voluntarily given up their arms. It would have been necessary to employ force against them. But Tseretelli was already without forces. He could procure them, if at all, only from the hands of the reaction. But they, In case of a successful crus.h.i.+ng of the Bolsheviks, would have immediately taken up the job of crus.h.i.+ng the Compromise soviets, and would not have failed to remind Tseretelli that he was a former hard-labour convict and nothing more. However, the further course of events will show that even the reaction did not have forces enough for this.

Politically Tseretelli grounded his argument for .ghting the Bolsheviks upon the a.s.ser-tion that they were separating the proletariat from the peasantry. Martov answered him: Tseretelli does not get his guiding ideas ”from the depth of the peasantry. A group of right Kadets, a group of capitalists, a group of landlords, a group of imperialists, the bourgeoisie of the West”these are the ones who are demanding the disarmament of the workers and soldiers. Martov was right: the possessing cla.s.ses have more than once in history hidden their pretensions behind the backs of a peasantry.

From the moment of publication of Lenin's April theses, a reference to the danger of isolating the proletariat from the peasants became the princ.i.p.al argument of all those who wanted to drag the revolution backward. It was no accident that Lenin compared Tseretelli to the ”old Bolsheviks.”

In one of his works of the year 1917, Trotsky wrote on this theme: ”The isolation of our party from the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, even its extreme isolation, even by way of solitary con.nement, would still in no case mean the isolation of the proletariat from the oppressed peasantry and the oppressed city ma.s.ses. On the contrary, a sharp demarcation of the policy of the revolutionary proletariat from the treacherous apostasy of the present leaders of the Soviet, can alone bring a saving political differentiation into the peasant millions, draw away the poor peasants from the traitorous leaders.h.i.+p of the aggressive Social Revolutionary type of muzhik and convert the socialist proletariat into genuine leaders of the national plebeian revolution.”

But Tseretelli's totally false argument remained alive. On the eve of the October revolu-tion it reappeared with redoubled force as the argument of many ”old Bolsheviks” against the uprising. Several years later when the intellectual reaction against October began, Tseretelli's formula became the chief theoretical weapon of the school of the epigones.

***: At the same session of the congress which condemned the Bolsheviks in their absence, a representative of the Mensheviks unexpectedly moved to appoint for the follow-ing Sunday, the 18th of June, a manifestation of workers and soldiers in Petro grad and other important cities, in order to demonstrate to the enemy the unity and strength of the democracy. The motion was carried, although not without bewilderment. Something over a month later Miliukov fairly well explained this un expected turn on the part of the Com-promisers: ”In delivering Kadet speeches at the congress of the soviets, in disorganising the armed demonstration of June 10 . . . the minister. socialists felt that they had gone too far in our direction, that the ground was slipping under their feet. They got frightened and backed away abruptly toward the Bolsheviks.” The decision to hold a demonstration on June 18 was, of course not a step in the direction of the Bolsheviks, but an attempt to turn toward the ma.s.ses as against the Bolsheviks. Their nocturnal experience with the workers and soldiers bad caused a certain amount of trepidation among the heads of the soviets. Thus, for instance, in direct opposition to what had been in mind at the beginning of the congress, they hastily produced in the name of the government a resolution calling for the abolition of the State Duma and the summoning of a Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly for the 30th of September. The slogans of the demonstration were chosen with this same idea of not causing any irritation to the ma.s.ses: ”Universal Peace,” ”Immediate Con vocation of a Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly,” ”Democratic Republic.” Not a word either about the offensive or the coalition. Lenin asked in Pravda: ”And what has become of 'Complete Con.dence to the Provisional Government,' gentlemen? . . Why does your tongue stick in your throat' This irony was accurately to the point: the Compromisers did not dare demand of the ma.s.ses con.dence in that government of which they themselves were members.

The Soviet delegates, having a second time made the rounds of the workers' districts and the barracks, gave wholly encouraging reports on the eve of the demonstration to the Exec-utive Committee. Tseretelli, to whom these communications restored his equilibrium and inclination towards complacent sermonising, addressed some remarks to the Bolsheviks: ”Now we shall have an open and honest review of the revolutionary forces. . . . Now we shall see whom the majority is following, you or us.” The Bolsheviks had accepted the challenge even before it was so incautiously formulated. ”We shall join the demonstration on the 18th,” wrote Pravda, ”in order to struggle for those aims for which we had intended to demonstrate on the 10th.”

The line of marchevidently in memory of the funeral procession of three months before, which had been, at least super.cially, a gigantic manifestation of the unity of the democra-cyagain led to Mars Field and the grave of the February martyrs. But aside from the line of march nothing whatever was reminiscent of those earlier days. About 400,000 people paraded, considerably less than at the funeral: absent from the Soviet demonstration were not only the bourgeoisie with whom the soviets were in coalition, but also the radical intel-ligentsia, which had occupied so prominent a place in the former parades of the democracy. Few but the factories and barracks marched.

The delegates of the congress, a.s.sembled on Mars Field, read and counted the placards.

The .rst Bolshevik slogans were met half-laughinglyTseretelli had so con.dently thrown down his challenge the day before. But these same slogans were repeated again and again. ”Down with the Ten Minister-Capitalists' ”Down with the Offensive” ”All Power to the Soviets' The ironical smiles froze, and then gradually disappeared. Bolshevik banners .oated everywhere. The delegates stopped counting the uncomfortable totals. The tri-umph of the Bolsheviks was too obvious. ”Here and there,” writes Sukhanov, ”the chain of Bolshevik banners and columns would be broken by speci.cally Social Revolutionary or of.cial Soviet slogans. But these were drowned in the ma.s.s. Soviet of.cialdom was recounting the next day 'how .ercely here and there the crowd tore up banners bearing the slogan ”Con.dence to the Provisional Government.”'” There is obvious exaggeration in this. Only three small groups carried placards in honour of the Provisional Govern-ment: the circle of Plekhanov, a Cossack detachment, and a handful of Jewish intellectuals who belonged to the Bund. This threefold combination, which gave the impression with its variegated members.h.i.+p of a political curio, seemed to have set itself the task of pub-licly exhibiting the impotence of the r'egime. Under the hostile cries of the crowd the Plekhanovites and the Bund lowered their placards. The Cossacks were stubborn, and their banners were literally torn from them by the demonstrators, and destroyed. ”The stream which had been .owing quietly along until then,” writes Izve 4ia, ”turned into a veritable river at the .ood, just at the point of over.owing its banks.” That was the Vyborg section, all under the banners of the Bolsheviks. ”Down with the Ten Minister-Capitalists” One of the factories carried a placard: ”The right to Life is Higher than the rights of Private Property.” This slogan had not been suggested by the party.

Dismayed provincials were looking everywhere for their leaders. The latter lowered their eyes or simply went into hiding. The Bolsheviks went after the provincials. Does this look like a gang of conspirators? The delegates agreed that it did not. ”In Petrograd you are the power,” they conceded in a totally different tone from that in which they had spoken at the of.cial sessions, ”but not in the provinces, not at the front. Petrograd Cannot go against the whole country.” That's all right, answered the Bolsheviks, your turn will soon comethe same slogans will be raised.

”During this demonstration,” wrote the old man Plekhanov, ”I stood on Mars Field be-side Cheidze: I saw in his face that he was not deceiving himself in the least about the sig-ni.cance of the astonis.h.i.+ng number of placards demanding the over throw of the capitalist ministers. It was emphasised as though intentionally by the veritably imperious commands with which some of the Leninists addressed him as they pa.s.sed by like people celebrating a holiday.” The Bolsheviks certainly had ground for a holiday feeling. ”Judging by the plac-ards and slogans of the demonstrators,” wrote Gorky's paper, ”the Sun day demonstration revealed the complete triumph of Bolshevism among the Petersburg proletariat.” It was a great victory, and moreover it was won on the arena and with the weapons chosen by the enemy. While sanctioning the offensive, recognising the coalition, and condemning the Bolsheviks, the soviet congress had called the ma.s.ses on its own initiative into the streets. They came with the announcement: We don't want either offensive or coalition; we are for Bolshevism. Such was the political meaning &f the demonstration. No wonder the papers of the Mensheviks, who had initiated the demonstration, asked themselves mournfully the next day: Who suggested that unhappy idea?

Of course not all the workers and soldiers in the capital took part in the demonstration, and not all the demonstrators were Bolsheviks. But by this time not one of them wanted a coalition. Those workers who still remained hostile to Bolshevism did not know what to oppose to it. Their hostility was thus converted into a watchful neutrality. Under the Bolshevik slogans marched no small number of Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries who had not yet broken with their party, but had already lost faith in its slogans.

The demonstration of June18 made an enormous impression on its own partic.i.p.ants. The ma.s.ses saw that the Bolsheviks had become a power, and the vacillating were drawn to them. In Moscow, Kiev, Kharkov, Ekaterinoslav, and many other provincial towns the demonstrations revealed an immense growth of the in.uence of the Bolsheviks. Every-where the same slogans were advanced, and they struck at the very heart of the February regime. It was impossible not to draw conclusions. It seemed as though the Compromisers had nowhere to go. But the offensive helped them at the very last moment. On the 19th of June, there was a patriotic demonstration on the Nevsky under the leaders.h.i.+p of Kadets, and with a portrait of Keren sky. In the words of Miliukov, ”It was so different from what happened on the same street the day before that there mingled with the feeling of triumph an involuntary feeling of uneasiness.” Legitimate feeling! But the Compromisers gave a sigh of relief. Their thoughts immediately soared above both demonstrations in the form of a democratic synthesis. Those people were fated to drain the cup of illusion and humiliation to the dregs.

In the April days two simultaneous demonstrations, one revolutionary and the other patriotic, had gone to meet each other, and their clash resulted in casualties. The hostile demonstrations of the 18th and 19th of June followed one after the other. There was no direct clash then. But a clash was not to be avoided. It had only been postponed for two weeks.

The anarchists, not knowing how else to show their independence, availed themselves of the demonstration of June 18 for an attack on the Vyborg prisons. The prisoners, a majority of them criminal, were liberated without a .ght and without casualtiesand not from one prison, but from several simultaneously. It seems obvious that the attack had not caught the administration unawaresthat the administration had gladly gone half-way to meet actual and pretended anarchists. That whole enigmatical episode had nothing whatever to do with the demonstration. But the patriotic press linked them together. The Bolsheviks proposed to the congress of soviets a strict investigation of the manner in which 460 criminals had been let loose from various prisons. However, the Compromisers could not permit themselves this luxury: they were afraid they would run into men higher up in the administration and their own allies in a political bloc. Moreover, they had no desire to defend their own demonstration against malicious slanders.

The Minister of Justice, Pereverzevwho had disgraced himself a few days before in connection with the summer house of Durnovodecided to have vengeance, and under the pre text of a search for escaped convicts made a new raid on the place. The anarchists resisted; one of them was killed, and the house wrecked. The workers of the Vyborg side, considering the house their own, sounded the alarm. Several factories quit work; the alarm spread to other sections and even to the bar racks.

The last days of June pa.s.s in a continual commotion. A machine gun regiment pre-pares for an immediate attack on the Provisional Government. Workers from the striking factories make the rounds of the regiments calling them into the streets. Bearded peas-ants in soldiers' coats, many of them grey-haired, pa.s.s in processions of protest along the pavements: these middle-aged peasants are demanding that they be discharged for work in the .elds. The Bolsheviks are carrying on an agitation against going into the streets: The demonstration of the 18th has said all that can be said: in order to produce a change, demonstrating is not enough; and yet the hour of revolution has not yet struck. On the 22nd of June, the Bolshevik press appeals to the garrison: ”Do not trust any summons to action in the Street delivered in the name of the Military Organisation.” Delegates are arriving from the front with complaints of violence and punishments. Threats to reorganise the unsub-missive regiments Dour oil on the .re. ”In many regiments the soldiers are sleeping with weapons in their hands,” says a declaration of the Bolsheviks to the Executive Commit-tee. Patriotic demonstrations, often armed, lead to street .ghts. These are small discharges of the acc.u.mulated electricity. Neither side directly intends to attack: the reaction is too weak, the revolution is not yet fully con.dent of its power. But the streets of the town seem paved with explosive material. A battle hovers in the air. The Bolshevik press explains and restrains. The patriotic press gives away its fright with an un bridled baiting of Bolsheviks. On the 25th, Lenin writes: ”This universal wild cry of spite and rage against the Bolsheviks is the common complaint of Kadets, Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks against their own .abbiness. They are in a majority. They are the government. They are all together in a bloc. And they see that nothing comes of it. What can they do but rage against the Bolsheviks'

CHAPTER 23.

CONCLUSION.

In the .rst pages of this work we tried to show how deeply the October revolution was rooted in the social relations of Russia. Our a.n.a.lysis, far from having been accommo-dated ex post Thdo to the achieved events, was on the contrary made by us long before the revolutionindeed before its prologue of 1905.

In the further pages we tried to see how the social forces of Russia revealed themselves in the events of the revolution. We recorded the activity of the political parties in their interrelations with the cla.s.ses. The sympathies and antipathies of the author may be set aside. A historic exposition has a right to demand that its objectivity be recognised if, resting upon accurately established facts, it reproduces their inner connection on the basis of the real development of social relations. The inner casual order of the process thus coming to life becomes itself the best proof of the objectivity of the exposition.

The events of the February revolution pa.s.sing before the reader have con.rmed our theoretical prognosis for the time being by one half at leastthrough a method of successive elimination. Before the proletariat came to power all the other variants of the political development were subjected to the test of life and thrown aside as worthless.

The government of the liberal bourgeoisie with Kerensky as a democratic hostage, proved a total failure. The ”April days' were the .rst candid warning addressed by the October to the February revolution. The bourgeois Provisional Government was replaced after this by a Coalition whose fruitless ness was revealed on every day of its existence, In the June demonstration summoned by the Executive Committee on its own initiative, although perhaps not quite voluntarily, the February revolution tried to measure strength with the October and suffered a cruel defeat. The defeat was the more fatal in that it oc-curred in the Petrograd arena, and at the hands of those same workers and soldiers who had achieved the February revolution and turned it over to the rest of the country. The June 326.

demonstration proved that the workers and soldiers of Petrograd were on their way to a new revolution whose alms were inscribed on their banners. Unmistakable signs testi.ed that all the rest of the country, although with an inevitable delay, would catch up with Pet-rograd. Thus by the end of its fourth month the February revolution had already exhausted itself politically. The Compromisers had lost the con.dence of the soldiers and workers. A con.ict between the leading soviet parties and the soviet ma.s.ses now became in evitable. After the manifestation of June 18, which was a peaceful test of the correlation of forces of the two revolutions, the contradiction between them must inevitably take an open and violent form.

Thus arose the ”July days.” Two weeks after the demonstration which had been organ-ised from above, the same workers and soldiers went out into the street on their own initia-tive and demanded of the Central Executive Committee that it seize the power. The Com-promisers .atly refused. The July days led to street encounters and casualties, and ended with the dispersion of the Bolsheviks who were declared responsible for the bankruptcy of the February regime. That resolution which Tseretelli had introduced on June II and which was then voted downto declare the Bolsheviks beyond the law and disarm themwas carried out in full at the beginning of July. The Bolshevik papers were shut down; the Bolshevik military units were dissolved. The workers were disarmed. The leaders of the party were declared hirelings of the German Staff. One of them went into hiding, the others were locked up in jail.

But just this ”victory” of the Compromisers over the Bolsheviks completely revealed the impotence of the democracy. Against the workers and soldiers the democrats were compelled to employ notoriously counter-revolutionary units, hostile not only to the Bol-sheviks, but also to the Soviet: the Executive Committee already had no troops of its own.

The liberals drew from this the correct conclusion, which Miliukov formulated in the form of an alternative: Kornilov or Lenin? The revolution actually left no more room for the empire of the golden mean. The counter-revolution was saying to itself: now or never. The supreme commander-in-chief, Kornilov, raised a rebellion against the revolution under the guise of a campaign against the Bolsheviks. Just as all forms of the legal opposition before the revolution had adopted the camou.age of patriotismthat is, the necessities of the struggle against the Germansso now all forms of legal counter-revolution adopted as camou.age the necessities of the struggle against the Bolsheviks. Kornilov had the sup-port of the possess mu cla.s.ses and their party, the Kadets. This did not hinder, but rather promoted, the result that the troops deployed against Petrograd by Kornilov were defeated without a .ght, capitulated without an encounter, went up in vapour like a drop falling on a hot stove-lid. Thus the attempt at a revolution from the right was made, and moreover by a man standing at the head of the army. The correlation of forces between the possessing cla.s.ses and the people was tested in action. In the choice between Kornilov and Lenin, Kornilov fell like a rotten fruit, although Lenin was still at that time compelled to re main in deep hiding.

What variant after that still remained unused, untried, untested? The variant of Bolshe-vism. Actually after the Kerni by attempt and its inglorious collapse, the ma.s.ses stormily and decisively swung over to the Bolsheviks. The October revolution advanced with a phys-ical necessity. In distinction from the February revolution, which has been called bloodless al though it cost Petrograd a considerable number of victims, the October revolution was actually achieved in the capital without bloodshed. Have we not the right to ask: What further demonstration could be given of the deep natural inevitability of the October revo-lution? Is it not clear that this revolution can seem the fruit of adventurism and demagogy only to those whom it damaged at the most sensitive point, the pocketbook? The b.l.o.o.d.y struggle breaks out only after the conquest of power by the Bolshevik soviets when the overthrown cla.s.ses, with material support from the governments of the Entente, make des-perate efforts to get back what they have lost. Then come the years of civil war. The Red Army is created, the hungry country is put under the r'egime of military communism and converted into a Spartan war camp. The October revolution step by step lays down its road, beats back all enemies, pa.s.ses over the solution of its industrial problems, heals the heav-iest wounds of the imperialist and civil war, and achieves gigantic successes in the sphere of the development of industry. There arise before it, however, new dif.culties .owing from its isolated position with mighty capitalistic lands surrounding it. That belatedness of development which had brought the Russian proletariat to power, has imposed upon that power tasks which in their essence cannot be fully achieved within the framework of an isolated state. The fate of that state is thus wholly bound up with the further course of world history.

This .rst volume, dedicated to the February revolution, shows how and why that rev-olution was bound to come to nothing, The second volume will show how the October revolution triumphed.

APPENDIX I.

(To the Chapter Peculiarities of Russia's Development): The question of the peculiar-ities of Russia's historic development. and, bound up therewith, the question of its future destinies, lay at the bottom of all the debates and groupings of the Russian intelligentsia throughout almost the whole of the nineteenth century. Slavophilism and westernism re-solved this question in opposite ways but with similar dogmatism. They were replaced by the theories of the Narodniks and Marxism. Before the Narodnik theory conclusively faded out under the in.uence of bourgeois liberalism, it long and stubbornly defended the idea of a completely unique course of development for Russia, a detour around capitalism. In this sense the Narodniks continued the Slavophile tradition, purging it how ever of monarchist-churchly-Pan-Slavic elements, and giving it a revolutionary-democratic character.

In the essence of the matter the Slavophile conception, with all its reactionary fantas-ticness, and also Narodnikism, with all its democratic illusions, were by no means mere speculations, but rested upon indubitable and moreover deep peculiarities of Russia's de-velopment, understood one-sidedly however and incorrectly evaluated. In its struggle with Narodnikism, Russian Marxism, demonstrating the ident.i.ty of the laws of development for all countries, not infrequently fell into a dogmatic mechanisation discovering a tendency to pour out the baby with the bath. This tendency is revealed especially sharply in many of the works of the well-known Professor Pokrovsky.

In 1922 Pokrovsky came down upon the historic conception of the author which lies at the basis of the theory of Permanent Revolution, We consider it useful, at least for readers interesting them selves not only in the dramatic course of events but also in revolution-ary doctrine, to adduce here the more essential excerpts from our answers to Professor Pokrovsky published in two issues of the central organ of the Bolshevik Party, Pravda, July land 2,1922: Concerning the Peculiarities of Russia's Historic Development: Pokrovsky has published an article dedicated to my book: 1905, which demonstratesnegatively, alas !what a com-plex matter it is to apply methods of historic materialism to living human history, and what 329.

a rubber-stamp affair is often made out of history even by such deeply erudite people as Pokrovsky. The book which Pokrovsky criticises was directly called out by a desire to establish historically and justify theoretically the slogan of the conquest of power by the proletariat, as against the slogan of a bourgeois democratic republic, and also that of a democratic government of the proletariat and the peasantry. . . . This line of thought produced a very great theoretic indignation on the part of no small number of Marxists, indeed an overwhelming majority of them. Those who expressed this indignation were not only Mensheviks, but also Kamenev and Rozhkov (a Bolshevik-historian). Their point of view in broad outlines was as follows: The political rule of the bourgeoisie must precede the political rule of the proletariat; the bourgeois democratic republic must be a prolonged historic schooling for the proletariat; the attempt to jump over this stage is adventurism; if the working cla.s.s in the West has not yet conquered the power, how can the Russian prole-tariat set itself this task? etc., etc. From the point of view of this pseudo-Marxism, which con.nes itself to historical mechanisms, formal a.n.a.logies, converting historic epochs into a logical succession of in.exible social categories (feudalism, capitalism, socialism, autoc-racy, bourgeois republic, dictators.h.i.+p of the proletariat)from this point of view the slogan of the conquest of power by the working cla.s.s in Russia must have seemed a monstrous departure from Marxism. However, a serious empirical evaluation of the social forces as they stood in 190305 powerfully suggested the entire viability of a struggle for a conquest of power by the working cla.s.s. Is this a peculiarity, or is it not? Does it a.s.sume profound peculiarities in the whole historical development or does it not? How does it come that such a task arose before the proletariat of Russia-i-that is, the most backward (with Pokrovsky's permission) country of Europe?

And in what consists the backwardness of Russia? Merely in the fact that Russia is belatedly repeating the history of the western European countries? But in that case would it be possible to talk of a conquest of power by the Russian proletariat? This conquest, how ever (We permit ourselves to remember), was actually made. Where lies the essence of all this? In that the indubitable and irrefutable belatedness of Russia's development under in.uence and pressure of the higher culture from the West, results not in a simple repet.i.tion of the Western European historic process, but in the creation of profound peculiarities demanding independent study.

This deep uniqueness in our political situation, which led to the victorious October revolution before the beginning of the revolution in Europe, had its roots in the peculiar correlation of forces among the different cla.s.ses and the state power. When Pokrovsky and Rozhkov quarrelled with the Narodniks or liberals, demonstrating that the organisation and policy of czarism was determined by the economic development and the interests of the possessing cla.s.ses, they were fundamentally right. But when Pokrovsky tries to repeat this against me, he simply hits the wrong mark.

The result of our belated historic development, in the conditions of the imperialist en-circlement, was that our bourgeoisie did not have time to push out czarism before the proletariat had become an independent revolutionary force.

But for Pokrovsky the very question which const.i.tutes for us the central theme of the investigation, does not exist.

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