Part 31 (1/2)
”ART. I.--The Papacy has fallen in fact and in right from the temporal government of the Roman State.
”ART. II.--The Roman Pontiff shall have all the necessary guaranties for independence in the exercise of his spiritual power.
”ART. III.--The form of government of the Roman State shall be a pure democracy, and will take the glorious name of Roman Republic.
”ART. IV.--The Roman Republic shall have with the rest of Italy the relations exacted by a common nationality.”
Between each of these expressive sentences the speaker paused; the great bell of the Capitol gave forth its solemn melodies; the cannon answered; while the crowd shouted, _Viva la Republica! Viva Italia!_
The imposing grandeur of the spectacle to me gave new force to the emotion that already swelled my heart; my nerves thrilled, and I longed to see in some answering glance a spark of Rienzi, a little of that soul which made my country what she is. The American at my side remained impa.s.sive. Receiving all his birthright from a triumph of democracy, he was quite indifferent to this manifestation on this consecrated spot. Pa.s.sing the winter in Rome to study art, he was insensible to the artistic beauty of the scene,--insensible to this new life of that spirit from which all the forms he gazes at in galleries emanated. He ”did not see the use of these popular demonstrations.”
Again I must mention a remark of his, as a specimen of the ignorance in which Americans usually remain during their flighty visits to these scenes, where they a.s.sociate only with one another. And I do it the rather as this seemed a really thoughtful, intelligent man; no vain, vulgar trifler. He said, ”The people seem only to be looking on; they take no part.”
What people? said I.
”Why, these around us; there is no other people.”
There are a few beggars, errand-boys, and nurse-maids.
”The others are only soldiers.”
Soldiers! The Civic Guard! all the decent men in Rome.
Thus it is that the American, on many points, becomes more ignorant for coming abroad, because he attaches some value to his crude impressions and frequent blunders. It is not thus that any seed-corn can be gathered from foreign gardens. Without modest scrutiny, patient study, and observation, he spends his money and goes home, with a new coat perhaps, but a mind befooled rather than instructed. It is necessary to speak the languages of these countries, and know personally some of their inhabitants, in order to form any accurate impressions.
The flight of the Grand Duke of Tuscany followed. In imitation of his great exemplar, he promised and smiled to the last, deceiving Montanelli, the pure and sincere, at the very moment he was about to enter his carriage, into the belief that he persevered in his a.s.sent to the liberal movement. His position was certainly very difficult, but he might have left it like a gentleman, like a man of honor. 'T was pity to destroy so lightly the good opinion the Tuscans had of him. Now Tuscany meditates union with Rome.
Meanwhile, Charles Albert is filled with alarm. He is indeed betwixt two fires. Gioberti has published one of his prolix, weak addresses, in which, he says, that in the beginning of every revolution one must fix a limit beyond which he will not go; that, for himself, he has done it,--others are pa.s.sing beyond his mark, and he will not go any farther. Of the want of thought, of insight into historic and all other truths, which distinguishes the ”ill.u.s.trious Gioberti,” this a.s.sumption is a specimen. But it makes no difference; he and his prince must go, sooner or later, if the movement continues, nor is there any prospect of its being stayed unless by foreign intervention.
This the Pope has not yet, it is believed, solicited, but there is little reason to hope he will be spared that crowning disgrace. He has already consented to the incitement of civil war. Should an intervention be solicited, all depends on France. Will she basely forfeit every pledge and every duty, to say nothing of her true interest? It seems that her President stands doubtful, intending to do what is for _his_ particular interest; but if his interest proves opposed to the republican principle, will France suffer herself again to be hoodwinked and enslaved? It is impossible to know, she has already shown such devotion to the mere prestige of a name.
On England no dependence can be placed. She is guided by no great idea; her Parliamentary leaders sneer at sentimental policy, and the ”jargon” of ideas. She will act, as always, for her own interest; and the interest of her present government is becoming more and more the crus.h.i.+ng of the democratic tendency. They are obliged to do it at home, both in the back and the front parlor; it would not be decent as yet to have a Spielberg just at home for obstreperous patriots, but England has so many s.h.i.+ps, it is just as easy to transport them to a safe distance. Then the Church of England, so long an enemy to the Church of Rome, feels a decided interest with it on the subject of temporal possessions. The rich English traveller, fearing to see the Prince Borghese stripped of one of his palaces for a hospital or some such low use, thinks of his own twenty-mile park and the crowded village of beggars at its gate, and muses: ”I hope to see them all shot yet, these rascally republicans.”
How I wish my country would show some n.o.ble sympathy when an experience so like her own is going on. Politically she cannot interfere; but formerly, when Greece and Poland were struggling, they were at least aided by private contributions. Italy, naturally so rich, but long racked and impoverished by her oppressors, greatly needs money to arm and clothe her troops. Some token of sympathy, too, from America would be so welcome to her now. If there were a circle of persons inclined to trust such to me, I might venture to promise the trust should be used to the advantage of Italy. It would make me proud to have my country show a religious faith in the progress of ideas, and make some small sacrifice of its own great resources in aid of a sister cause, now.
But I must close this letter, which it would be easy to swell to a volume from the materials in my mind. One or two traits of the hour I must note. Mazzarelli, chief of the present ministry, was a prelate, and named spontaneously by the Pope before his flight. He has shown entire and frank intrepidity. He has laid aside the t.i.tle of Monsignor, and appears before the world as a layman.
Nothing can be more tranquil than has been the state of Rome all winter. Every wile has been used by the Oscurantists to excite the people, but their confidence in their leaders could not be broken.
A little mutiny in the troops, stimulated by letters from their old leaders, was quelled in a moment. The day after the proclamation of the Republic, some zealous ignoramuses insulted the carriages that appeared with servants in livery. The ministry published a grave admonition, that democracy meant liberty, not license, and that he who infringed upon an innocent freedom of action in others must be declared traitor to his country. Every act of the kind ceased instantly. An intimation that it was better not to throw large comfits or oranges during the Carnival, as injuries have thus been sometimes caused, was obeyed with equal docility.
On Sunday last, placards affixed in the high places summoned the city to invest Giuseppe Mazzini with the rights of a Roman citizen. I have not yet heard the result. The Pope made Rossi a Roman citizen; he was suffered to retain that t.i.tle only one day. It was given him on the 14th of November, he died the 15th. Mazzini enters Rome at any rate, for the first time in his life, as deputy to the Const.i.tutional a.s.sembly; it would be a n.o.ble poetic justice, if he could enter also as a Roman citizen.
February 24.
The Austrians have invaded Ferrara, taken $200,000 and six hostages, and retired. This step is, no doubt, intended to determine whether France will resent the insult, or whether she will betray Italy. It shows also the a.s.surance of the Austrian that the Pope will approve of an armed intervention. Probably before I write again these matters will reach some decided crisis.
LETTER XXIX.
THE ROMAN REPUBLIC.--CHARLES ALBERT A TRAITOR.--FALL OF GIOBERTI.--MAZZINI.--HIS CHARACTER.--HIS ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE.--HIS ORATORY.--AMERICAN ARTISTS.--BROWN, TERRY, AND FREEMAN.--HICKS AND HIS PICTURES.--CROPSEY AND CRANCH CONTRASTED.--AMERICAN LANDSCAPE PAINTINGS.--SCULPTORS.--STORY'S ”FISHER BOY.”--MOZIER'S ”POCAHONTAS.”--GREENOUGH'S GROUP.--POWERS'S ”SLAVE.”--THE EQUESTRIAN STATUE OF WAs.h.i.+NGTON.--CRAWFORD'S DESIGN.--TRIALS OF THE ARTIST.--AMERICAN PATRONS OF ART.--EXPENSES OF ARTIST LIFE.--A GERMAN SCULPTOR.--OVERBECK AND HIS PAINTINGS.--FESTIVAL OF FRIED RICE.--AN AVE MARIA.