Volume Vi Part 5 (1/2)
AUTHORITIES FOR BOOK VIII
The social change of the Restoration is ill.u.s.trated by the picture of court life in Anthony Hamilton's ”Memoirs of the Count de Grammont,” by the memoirs of Reresby, Pepys, and Evelyn, and the dramatic works of Wycherly and Etherege. For the general character of its comedy see Lord Macaulay's ”Essay on the Dramatists of the Restoration.” The histories of the Royal Society by Thompson or Wade, with Sir D. Brewster's ”Biography of Newton,” preserve the earlier annals of English Science, which are condensed by Hallam in his ”Literary History” (vol. iv.).
Clarendon gives a detailed account of his own ministry in his ”Life,”
which forms a continuation of his ”History of the Rebellion.” The relations of the Church and the Dissenters during this period may be seen in Neal's ”History of the Puritans,” Calamy's ”Memoirs of the Ejected Ministers,” Mr. Dixon's ”Life of Penn,” Baxter's ”Autobiography,” and Bunyan's account of his sufferings in his various works. For the political story of the period as a whole our best authorities are Bishop Kennet's ”Register,” and Burnet's lively ”History of my own Times.” The memoirs of Sir W. Temple, with his correspondence, are of great value up to their close in 1679. Mr. Christie's ”Life of Shaftesbury” is a defence, and in some ways a successful defence, of that statesman's career and of the Whig policy at this time, which may be studied also in Earl Russell's life of his ancestor, William, Lord Russell. To these we may add the fragments of James the Second's autobiography preserved in Macpherson's ”Original Papers” (of very various degrees of value), the ”Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland” by Dalrymple, the first to discover the real secret of the negotiations with France, M. Mignet's ”Negociations relatives a la Succession d'Espagne,” a work indispensable for a knowledge of foreign affairs during this period, Welwood's ”Memoirs,” and Luttrell's ”Diary.”
Throughout the whole reign of Charles the Second Hallam's ”Const.i.tutional History” is singularly judicious and full in its information. Lingard becomes of importance during this period from the original materials to which he has had access, as well as from his clear and dispa.s.sionate statement of the Catholic side of the question. Ranke in his ”History of the Seventeenth Century” has thrown great light on the diplomatic history of the later Stuart reigns: on internal and const.i.tutional points he is cool and dispa.s.sionate but of less value.
The great work of Lord Macaulay, which practically ends at the Peace of Ryswick, is continued by Lord Stanhope in his ”History of England under Queen Anne,” and his ”History of England from the Peace of Utrecht.” For Marlborough the main authority must be the Duke's biography by Archdeacon c.o.xe with his ”Despatches.” The character of the Tory opposition may be studied in Swift's Journal to Stella and his political tracts, as well as in Bolingbroke's correspondence. The French side of the war and negotiations has been given by M. Henri Martin (”Histoire de France”) in what is the most accurate and judicious portion of his work.
For the earlier period of the Georges c.o.xe's ”Life of Sir Robert Walpole,” Horace Walpole's ”Memoirs of the Reign of George the Second,”
and Lord Hervey's amusing ”Memoirs from the Accession of George the Second to the Death of Queen Caroline,” give the main materials on the one side; Bolingbroke's ”Patriot King,” his ”Letter to Sir W. Wyndham,”
and his correspondence afford some insight into the other. Horace Walpole's ”Letters to Sir Horace Mann” give a minute account of his father's fall.
For the elder Pitt we have the Chatham Correspondence, a life by Thackeray, and two brilliant Essays by Lord Macaulay. Another of Lord Macaulay's Essays may be used with Sir John Malcolm's biography for the life of Lord Clive and the early history of British India, a fuller account of which may of course be found in general histories of India, such as that by James Mill. Carlyle's Frederick the Great contains a picturesque recital of the Seven Years War, and of England's share in it; while the earlier relations of England and Frederick may be studied more coolly and thoroughly in Ranke's ”Nine Books of Prussian History,”
published in an English version under the name of his ”History of Prussia.” The earlier part of the ”Annual Register,” which begins in 1758, has been attributed to Burke. Southey's biography, or the more elaborate life by Tyerman, gives an account of Wesley and the movement he headed.
CHAPTER I
THE RESTORATION
1660-1667
[Sidenote: The New England.]
The entry of Charles the Second into Whitehall marked a deep and lasting change in the temper of the English people. With it modern England began. The influences which had up to this time moulded our history, the theological influence of the Reformation, the monarchical influence of the new kings.h.i.+p, the feudal influence of the Middle Ages, the yet earlier influence of tradition and custom, suddenly lost power over the minds of men. From the moment of the Restoration we find ourselves all at once among the great currents of thought and activity which have gone on widening and deepening from that time to this. The England around us becomes our own England, an England whose chief forces are industry and science, the love of popular freedom and of law, an England which presses steadily forward to a larger social justice and equality, and which tends more and more to bring every custom and tradition, religious, intellectual, and political, to the test of pure reason.
Between modern thought, on some at least of its more important sides, and the thought of men before the Restoration there is a great gulf fixed. A political thinker in the present day would find it equally hard to discuss any point of statesmans.h.i.+p with Lord Burleigh or with Oliver Cromwell. He would find no point of contact between their ideas of national life or national welfare, their conception of government or the ends of government, their mode of regarding economical and social questions, and his own. But no gulf of this sort parts us from the men who followed the Restoration. From that time to this, whatever differences there may have been as to the practical conclusions drawn from them, there has been a substantial agreement as to the grounds of our political, our social, our intellectual, and religious life. Paley would have found no difficulty in understanding Tillotson. Newton and Sir Humphry Davy could have talked together without a sense of severance. There would have been nothing to hinder a perfectly clear discussion on government or law between John Locke and Jeremy Bentham.
[Sidenote: The Social Revolt.]
The change from the old England to the new is so startling that we are apt to look on it as a more sudden change than it really was; and the outer aspect of the Restoration does much to strengthen this impression of suddenness. The whole face of England was changed in an instant. All that was n.o.blest and best in Puritanism was whirled away with its pettiness and its tyranny in the current of the nation's hate. Religion had been turned into a system of political and social oppression, and it fell with that system's fall. G.o.dliness became a byword of scorn; sobriety in dress, in speech, in manners was flouted as a mark of the detested Puritanism. Butler in his ”Hudibras” poured insult on the past with a pedantic buffoonery for which the general hatred, far more than its humour, secured a hearing. Archbishop Sheldon listened to the mock sermon of a Cavalier who held up the Puritan phrase and the Puritan tw.a.n.g to ridicule in his hall at Lambeth. Duelling and raking became the marks of a fine gentleman; and grave divines winked at the follies of ”honest fellows” who fought, gambled, swore, drank, and ended a day of debauchery by a night in the gutter. Life among men of fas.h.i.+on vibrated between frivolity and excess. One of the comedies of the time tells the courtier that ”he must dress well, dance well, fence well, have a talent for love-letters, an agreeable voice, be amorous and discreet--but not too constant.” To graces such as these the rakes of the Restoration added a shamelessness and a brutality which pa.s.ses belief. Lord Rochester was a fas.h.i.+onable poet, and the t.i.tles of some of his poems are such as no pen of our day could copy. Sir Charles Sedley was a fas.h.i.+onable wit, and the foulness of his words made even the porters of Covent Garden pelt him from the balcony when he ventured to address them. The Duke of Buckingham is a fair type of the time, and the most characteristic event in the Duke's life was a duel in which he consummated his seduction of Lady Shrewsbury by killing her husband, while the Countess in disguise as a page held his horse for him and looked on at the murder.
[Sidenote: The Comedy of the Restoration.]
Vicious as the stage was when it opened its doors again on the fall of the Commonwealth it only reflected the general vice of the day. The Comedy of the Restoration borrowed everything from the contemporary Comedy of France save the poetry, the delicacy, and good taste which there veiled its grossness. Seduction, intrigue, brutality, cynicism, debauchery, found fitting expression on the English stage in dialogue of a studied and deliberate foulness, which even its wit fails to redeem from disgust. Wycherly, the popular playwright of the time, remains the most brutal among all dramatists; and nothing gives so d.a.m.ning an impression of his day as the fact that he found actors to repeat his words and audiences to applaud them. Men such as Wycherly gave Milton models for the Belial of his great poem, ”than whom a spirit more lewd fell not from heaven, or more gross to love vice for itself.” The dramatist piques himself on the frankness and ”plain dealing” which painted the world as he saw it, a world of brawls and a.s.signations, of orgies at Vauxhall and fights with the watch, of lies and _doubles-ententes_, of knaves and dupes, of men who sold their daughters, and women who cheated their husbands. But the cynicism of Wycherly was no greater than that of the men about him; and in mere love of what was vile, in contempt of virtue and disbelief in purity or honesty, the king himself stood ahead of any of his subjects.
[Sidenote: The New Rationalism.]
It is easy however to exaggerate the extent of this reaction. So far as we can judge from the memoirs of the time its more violent forms were practically confined to the capital and the court. The ma.s.s of Englishmen were satisfied with getting back their Maypoles and mince-pies; and a large part of the people remained Puritan in life and belief though they threw aside many of the outer characteristics of Puritanism. Nor was the revolution in feeling as sudden as it seemed.
Even if the political strength of Puritanism had remained unbroken its social influence must soon have ceased. The young Englishmen who grew up in the midst of civil war knew nothing of the bitter tyranny which gave its zeal and fire to the religion of their fathers. From the social and religious anarchy around them, from the endless controversies and discussions of the time, they drank in the spirit of scepticism, of doubt, of free inquiry. If religious enthusiasm had broken the spell of ecclesiastical tradition its own extravagance broke the spell of religious enthusiasm; and the new generation turned in disgust to try forms of political government and spiritual belief by the cooler and less fallible test of reason.
It is this rationalizing tendency of the popular mind, this indifference to the traditions and ideals of the past, this practical and experimental temper, which found its highest expression in the sudden popularity of the pursuit of physical science. Of the two little companies of inquirers whom we have already noticed as gathering at the close of the Civil War, that which remained in the capital and had at last been broken up by the troubles of the Second Protectorate was revived at the Restoration by the return to London of the more eminent members of the group which had a.s.sembled at Oxford. But the little company of philosophers had hardly begun their meetings at Gresham College when they found themselves objects of a general interest.
Science suddenly became the fas.h.i.+on of the day. Charles the Second was himself a fair chymist, and took a keen interest in the problems of navigation. The Duke of Buckingham varied his freaks of rhyming, drinking, and fiddling by fits of devotion to his laboratory. Poets like Dryden and Cowley, courtiers like Sir Robert Murray and Sir Kenelm Digby, joined the scientific company to which in token of his sympathy with it the king gave the t.i.tle of ”The Royal Society.” The curious gla.s.s toys called Prince Rupert's drops recall the scientific inquiries which amused the old age of the great cavalry-leader of the Civil War.
Wits and fops crowded to the meetings of the new Society. Statesmen like Lord Somers felt honoured at being chosen its presidents.
[Sidenote: English Science.]
The definite establishment of the Royal Society in 1662 marks the opening of a great age of scientific discovery in England. Almost every year of the half-century which followed saw some step made to a wider and truer knowledge of physical fact. Our first national observatory rose at Greenwich, and modern astronomy began with the long series of observations which immortalized the name of Flamsteed. His successor, Halley, undertook the investigation of the tides, of comets, and of terrestrial magnetism. Hooke improved the microscope and gave a fresh impulse to microscopical research. Boyle made the air-pump a means of advancing the science of pneumatics, and became the founder of experimental chymistry. Wilkins pointed forward to the science of philology in his scheme of a universal language. Sydenham introduced a careful observation of nature and facts which changed the whole face of medicine. The physiological researches of Willis first threw light upon the structure of the brain. Woodward was the founder of mineralogy. In his edition of Willoughby's ”Ornithology,” and in his own ”History of Fishes,” John Ray was the first to raise zoology to the rank of a science; and the first scientific cla.s.sification of animals was attempted in his ”Synopsis of Quadrupeds.” Modern botany began with Ray's ”History of Plants,” and the researches of an Oxford professor, Robert Morrison; while Grew divided with Malpighi the credit of founding the study of vegetable physiology.