Volume V Part 2 (1/2)

It was at the moment when the Treaty of Vervins and the wreck of the second Armada freed Elizabeth's hands from the struggle with Spain that the revolt under Hugh O'Neill broke the quiet which had prevailed since the victories of Lord Grey. The Irish question again became the chief trouble of the Queen. The tide of her recent triumphs seemed at first to have turned. A defeat of the English forces in Tyrone caused a general rising of the northern tribes, and a great effort made in 1599 for the suppression of the growing revolt failed through the vanity and disobedience, if not the treacherous complicity, of the Queen's lieutenant, the young Earl of Ess.e.x. His successor, Lord Mountjoy, found himself master on his arrival of only a few miles round Dublin. But in three years the revolt was at an end. A Spanish force which landed to support it at Kinsale was driven to surrender; a line of forts secured the country as the English mastered it; all open opposition was crushed out by the energy and the ruthlessness of the new Lieutenant; and a famine which followed on his ravages completed the devastating work of the sword. Hugh O'Neill was brought in triumph to Dublin; the Earl of Desmond, who had again roused Munster into revolt, fled for refuge to Spain; and the work of conquest was at last brought to a close.

[Sidenote: The last years of Elizabeth.]

The triumph of Mountjoy flung its l.u.s.tre over the last days of Elizabeth, but no outer triumph could break the gloom which gathered round the dying Queen. Lonely as she had always been, her loneliness deepened as she drew towards the grave. The statesmen and warriors of her earlier days had dropped one by one from her Council-board.

Leicester had died in the year of the Armada; two years later Walsingham followed him to the grave; in 1598 Burleigh himself pa.s.sed away. Their successors were watching her last moments, and intriguing for favour in the coming reign. Her favourite, Lord Ess.e.x, not only courted favour with James of Scotland, but brought him to suspect Robert Cecil, who had succeeded his father at the Queen's Council-board, of designs against his succession. The rivalry between the two ministers hurried Ess.e.x into fatal projects which led to his failure in Ireland and to an insane outbreak of revolt which brought him in 1601 to the block. But Cecil had no sooner proved the victor in this struggle at Court than he himself entered into a secret correspondence with the king of Scots. His action was wise: it brought James again into friendly relations with the Queen; and paved the way for a peaceful transfer of the crown. But hidden as this correspondence was from Elizabeth, the suspicion of it only added to her distrust. The troubles of the war in Ireland brought fresh cares to the aged Queen. It drained her treasury. The old splendour of her Court waned and disappeared. Only officials remained about her, ”the other of the Council and n.o.bility estrange themselves by all occasions.”

The love and reverence of the people itself lessened as they felt the pressure and taxation of the war. Of old men had pressed to see the Queen as if it were a glimpse of heaven. ”In the year 1588,” a bishop tells us, who was then a country boy fresh come to town, ”I did live at the upper end of the Strand near St. Clement's church, when suddenly there came a report to us (it was in December, much about five of the clock at night, very dark) that the Queen was gone to Council, 'and if you will see the Queen you must come quickly.' Then we all ran, when the Court gates were set open, and no man did hinder us from coming in.

There we came, where there was a far greater company than was usually at Lenten sermons; and when we had staid there an hour and that the yard was full, there being a number of torches, the Queen came out in great state. Then we cried, 'G.o.d save your Majesty! G.o.d save your Majesty!'

Then the Queen turned to us and said, 'G.o.d bless you all, my good people!' Then we cried again, 'G.o.d bless your Majesty! G.o.d bless your Majesty!' Then the Queen said again to us, 'You may well have a greater prince, but you shall never have a more loving prince.' And so looking one upon another a while the Queen departed. This wrought such an impression on us, for shows and pageantry are ever best seen by torchlight, that all the way long we did nothing but talk what an admirable Queen she was, and how we would adventure our lives to do her service.” But now, as Elizabeth pa.s.sed along in her progresses, the people whose applause she courted remained cold and silent. The temper of the age in fact was changing, and isolating her as it changed. Her own England, the England which had grown up around her, serious, moral, prosaic, shrank coldly from this brilliant, fanciful, unscrupulous child of earth and the Renascence.

[Sidenote: Elizabeth's death.]

But if ministers and courtiers were counting on her death, Elizabeth had no mind to die. She had enjoyed life as the men of her day enjoyed it, and now that they were gone she clung to it with a fierce tenacity. She hunted, she danced, she jested with her young favourites, she coquetted and scolded and frolicked at sixty-seven as she had done at thirty. ”The Queen,” wrote a courtier a few months before her death, ”was never so gallant these many years nor so set upon jollity.” She persisted, in spite of opposition, in her gorgeous progresses from country-house to country-house. She clung to business as of old, and rated in her usual fas.h.i.+on ”one who minded not to giving up some matter of account.” But death crept on. Her face became haggard, and her frame shrank almost to a skeleton. At last her taste for finery disappeared, and she refused to change her dresses for a week together. A strange melancholy settled down on her. ”She held in her hand,” says one who saw her in her last days, ”a golden cup, which she often put to her lips: but in truth her heart seemed too full to need more filling.” Gradually her mind gave way. She lost her memory, the violence of her temper became unbearable, her very courage seemed to forsake her. She called for a sword to lie constantly beside her and thrust it from time to time through the arras, as if she heard murderers stirring there. Food and rest became alike distasteful. She sate day and night propped up with pillows on a stool, her finger on her lip, her eyes fixed on the floor, without a word. If she once broke the silence, it was with a flash of her old queenliness.

When Robert Cecil declared that she ”must” go to bed the word roused her like a trumpet. ”Must!” she exclaimed; ”is _must_ a word to be addressed to princes? Little man, little man! thy father, if he had been alive, durst not have used that word.” Then, as her anger spent itself, she sank into her old dejection. ”Thou art so presumptuous,” she said, ”because thou knowest I shall die.” She rallied once more when the ministers beside her bed named Lord Beauchamp, the heir to the Suffolk claim, as a possible successor. ”I will have no rogue's son,” she cried hoa.r.s.ely, ”in my seat.” But she gave no sign, save a motion of the head, at the mention of the king of Scots. She was in fact fast becoming insensible; and early the next morning, on the twenty-fourth of March 1603, the life of Elizabeth, a life so great, so strange and lonely in its greatness, ebbed quietly away.

BOOK VII

PURITAN ENGLAND

1603-1660

AUTHORITIES FOR BOOK VII

1603-1660

For the reign of James the First we have Camden's ”Annals” of that king, Goodman's ”Court of King James I.,” Weldon's ”Secret History of the Court of James I.,” Roger c.o.ke's ”Detection,” the correspondence in the ”Cabala,” the letters published under the t.i.tle of ”The Court and Times of James I.,” the doc.u.ments in Winwood's ”Memorials of State,” and the reported proceedings of the last two Parliaments. The Camden Society has published the correspondence of James with Cecil, and Walter Yonge's ”Diary.” The letters and works of Bacon, now fully edited by Mr.

Spedding, are necessary for any true understanding of the period.

Hacket's ”Life of Williams” and Harrington's ”Nugae Antiquae” throw valuable side-light on the politics of the time. But the Stuart system, both at home and abroad, can only fairly be read by the light of the state-papers of this and the following reign, calendars of which are now being published by the Master of the Rolls. It is his employment of these, as well as his own fairness and good sense, which gives value to the series of works which Mr. Gardiner has devoted to this period; his ”History of England from the Accession of James the First,” his ”Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage,” ”England under the Duke of Buckingham,” and ”The Personal Government of Charles the First.” The series has as yet been carried to 1637. To Mr. Gardiner also we owe the publication, through the Camden Society, of reports of some of the earlier Stuart Parliaments. Ranke's ”History of England during the Seventeenth Century” has the same doc.u.mentary value as embodying the substance of state-papers in both English and foreign archives, which throw great light on the foreign politics of the Stuart kings. It covers the whole period of Stuart rule. With the reign of Charles the First our historical materials increase. For Laud we have his remarkable ”Diary”; for Strafford the ”Strafford Letters.” Hallam has justly characterized Clarendon's ”History of the Rebellion” as belonging ”rather to the cla.s.s of memoirs” than of histories; and the rigorous a.n.a.lysis of it by Ranke shows the very different value of its various parts. Though the work will always retain a literary interest from its n.o.bleness of style and the grand series of character-portraits which it embodies, the worth of its account of all that preceded the war is almost destroyed by the contrast between its author's conduct at the time and his later description of the Parliament's proceedings, as well as by the deliberate and malignant falsehood with which he has perverted the whole action of his parliamentary opponents. With the outbreak of the war he becomes of greater value, and he gives a good account of the Cornish rising; but from the close of the first struggle his work becomes tedious and unimportant. May's ”History of the Long Parliament” is fairly accurate and impartial; but the basis of any real account of it must be found in its own proceedings as they have been preserved in the notes of Sir Ralph Verney and Sir Simonds D'Ewes. The last remain unpublished; but Mr. Forster has drawn much from them in his two works, ”The Grand Remonstrance” and ”The Arrest of the Five Members.” The collections of state-papers by Rushworth and Nalson are indispensable for this period. It is ill.u.s.trated by a series of memoirs, of very different degrees of value, such as those of Whitelock, Ludlow, Sir Philip Warwick, Holles, and Major Hutchinson, as well as by works like Mrs. Hutchinson's memoir of her husband, Baxter's ”Autobiography,” or Sir Thomas Herbert's memoirs of Charles during his last two years. The Diary of Nehemiah Wallington gives us the common life of Puritanism during this troubled time. For Cromwell the primary authority is Mr.

Carlyle's ”Life and Letters of Cromwell,” an invaluable store of doc.u.ments, edited with the care of an antiquarian and the genius of a poet. Fairfax may be studied in the ”Fairfax Correspondence,” and in the doc.u.ments embodied in Mr. Clements Markham's life of him. Sprigge's ”Anglia Rediviva” gives an account of the New Model and its doings.

Thurlow's State Papers furnish an immense ma.s.s of doc.u.ments for the period of the Protectorate; and Burton's ”Diary” gives an account of the proceedings in the Protector's second Parliament. For Irish affairs we have a vast store of materials in the Ormond papers and letters collected by Carte; for Scotland we have ”Baillie's Letters,” Burnet's ”Lives of the Hamiltons,” and Sir James Turner's ”Memoir of the Scotch Invasion.” Among the general accounts of this reign we may name Disraeli's ”Commentaries of the Reign of Charles I.” as prominent on one side, Brodie's ”History of the British Empire” and G.o.dwin's ”History of the Commonwealth” on the other. Guizot in his three works on ”Charles I.

and the Revolution,” ”Cromwell and the Protectorate,” and ”Richard Cromwell and the Restoration,” is accurate and impartial; and the doc.u.ments he has added are valuable for the foreign history of the time.

A good deal of information may be found in Forster's ”Lives of the Statesmen of the Commonwealth,” and Sandford's ”Ill.u.s.trations of the Great Rebellion.”

CHAPTER I

ENGLAND AND PURITANISM

1603-1660

[Sidenote: England at the death of Elizabeth.]

The death of Elizabeth is one of the turning-points of English history.

The age of the Renascence and of the New Monarchy pa.s.sed away with the Queen. The whole face of the realm had been silently changing during the later years of her reign. The dangers which had hitherto threatened our national existence and our national unity had alike disappeared. The kingdom which had been saved from ruin but fifty years before by the jealousies of its neighbours now stood in the forefront of European powers. France clung to its friends.h.i.+p. Spain trembled beneath its blows. The Papacy had sullenly withdrawn from a fruitless strife with the heretic island. The last of the Queen's labours had laid Ireland at her feet, and her death knit Scotland to its ancient enemy by the tie of a common king. Within England itself the change was as great. Religious severance, the most terrible of national dangers, had been averted by the patience and the ruthlessness of the Crown. The Catholics were weak and held pitilessly down. The Protestant sectaries were hunted as pitilessly from the realm. The ecclesiastical compromise of the Tudors had at last won the adhesion of the country at large. Nor was the social change less remarkable. The natural growth of wealth and a patient good government had gradually put an end to all social anarchy. The dread of feudal revolt had pa.s.sed for ever away. The fall of the Northern Earls, of Norfolk, and of Ess.e.x, had broken the last strength of the older houses. The baronage had finally made way for a modern n.o.bility, but this n.o.bility, sprung as it was from the court of the Tudors, and dependent for its existence on the favour of the Crown, had none of that traditional hold on the people at large which made the feudal lords so formidable a danger to public order.