Part 3 (1/2)
[4] This may be the meaning of _epibalon_; but it is much disputed.
Other interpretations are: (1) = _epeballe klaiein_, he began to weep; (2) with head covered--in mourning.
CHAPTER IV.
THE CIVIL TRIAL
In the chapter before last we saw the Sanhedrim pa.s.s a death sentence on Jesus. Gladly would they have carried it out in the Jewish fas.h.i.+on--by stoning. But, as was then explained, it was not in their power: their Roman masters, while conceding to the native courts the power of trying and punis.h.i.+ng minor offences, reserved to themselves the prerogative of life and death; and a case in which a capital sentence had been pa.s.sed in a Jewish court had to go before the representative of Rome in the country, who tried it over again, and might either confirm or reverse the sentence. Accordingly, after pa.s.sing sentence on Jesus themselves, the Sanhedrists had to lead Him away to the tribunal of the governor.
I.
The representative of Imperial Rome in Palestine at this time was Pontius Pilate. The position which he held may perhaps be best realised by thinking of one of our own subordinate governors in India; with the difference, however, that it was a heathen, not a Christian power, that Pilate represented, and that it was the spirit of ancient Rome, not that of modern England, which inspired his administration.
Of this spirit--the spirit of worldliness, diplomacy and expediency--he was a typical exponent; and we shall see how true to it he proved on this momentous day.[1]
Pilate had occupied his position for a good many years; yet he neither liked his subjects nor they him. The Jews were among the most intractable and difficult of all the states which the officials of Rome had to manage. Mindful of the glory of their ancient history, and still cheris.h.i.+ng the hope of universal empire, they were impatient of the yoke of subordination; they were constantly discovering in the conduct of their rulers insults directed against their dignity or their religion; they complained of the heavy taxation and pestered their rulers with pet.i.tions. Pilate had not got on at all well with them.
Between him and them there was no sympathy. He hated their fanaticism.
In his quarrels with them, which were frequent, he had freely shed their blood. They accused him of corruption, cruelty, robbery, and maladministration of every description.
The residence of the governor was not in Jerusalem, in which no one accustomed to the pleasures of Rome--its theatres, baths, games, literature and society--could desire to live, but in the new coast city of Caesarea, which in its splendour and luxury was a sort of small imitation of Rome. Occasionally, however, the governor had to visit the capital for business reasons; and usually as on this occasion, he did so at the time of the Pa.s.sover.
When there, he took up his residence in what had formerly been the royal palace while Judaea still had a king. It had been built by Herod the Great, who had a pa.s.sion for architecture; and it was situated on the hill to the south-west of the one on which the temple stood. It was a splendid building,[2] rivalling the temple itself in appearance, and so large as to be capable of containing a small army. It consisted of two colossal wings, springing forward on either side, and a connecting building between. In front of the latter stretched a broad pavement; and here, in the open air, on a raised platform, was the scene of the trial; because the Jewish authorities would not enter the building, which to them was unclean. Pilate had to yield to their scruples, though probably cursing them in his heart. But, indeed, it was quite common for the Romans to hold courts of justice in the open air. The front of the palace, all round, was supported by ma.s.sive pillars, forming broad, shady colonnades; and round the building there extended a park, with walks, trees and ponds, where fountains cast their sparkling jets high into the suns.h.i.+ne and flocks of tame doves plumed their feathers at the water's edge.
Through the huge gateway, then, of this palatial residence, the Jewish authorities, with their Prisoner in their midst, came pouring in the early morning. Pilate came out to receive them and seated himself on his chair of state, with his secretaries beside him, and behind him, no doubt, numbers of bronzed Roman soldiers with their stolid looks and upright spears. The Accused would have to ascend the platform, too; and over against Him stood His accusers, with Caiaphas at their head.
What a spectacle was that! The heads of the Jewish nation leading their own Messiah in chains to deliver Him up to a Gentile governor, with the pet.i.tion that He should be put to death! Shades of the heroes and the prophets, who loved this nation and boasted of it and foretold its glorious fate, the hour of destiny has come, and this is the result!
It was an act of national suicide. But was it not more? Was it not the frustration of the purpose and the promise of G.o.d? So it certainly appeared to be. Yet He is not mocked. Even through human sin His purpose holds on its way. The Jews brought the Son of G.o.d to Pilate's judgment-seat, that both Jew and Gentile might unite in condemning Him; for it was part of the work of the Redeemer to expose human sin, and here was to be exhibited the _ne plus ultra_ of wickedness, as the hand of humanity was lifted up against its Maker. And yet that death was to be the life of humanity; and Jesus, standing between Jew and Gentile, was to unite them in the fellows.h.i.+p of a common salvation. ”Oh the depth both of the wisdom and knowledge of G.o.d! How unsearchable are His judgments, and His ways past finding out!”
II.
Pilate at once demanded what was the accusation which they brought against the Prisoner.
The reply was a characteristic one, ”If He were not a malefactor, we would not have delivered Him up unto thee.” This was as broad a hint as they could give that they desired the governor to waive his right to re-try the case, accepting their trial of it as sufficient, and content himself with the other half of his prerogative--the pa.s.sing and the execution of the sentence. Sometimes provincial governors did so, either through indolence or out of compliment to the native authorities; and especially in a religious cause, which a foreigner could not be expected to understand, such a compliment might seem a boon which it was not unreasonable to ask.
But Pilate was not in a yielding mood, and retorted, ”Take ye Him and judge Him according to your law.” This was as much as to say: If I am not to hear the case, then I will neither pa.s.s the sentence nor inflict the punishment; if you insist on this being a case for yourselves as ecclesiastics, then keep it to yourselves; but, if you do, you must be content with such a punishment as the law permits you to inflict.
To them this was gall and wormwood, because it was for the life of Christ they were thirsting, and they well knew that imprisonment or beating with rods was as far as they could go. The cold, keen Roman, as proud as themselves, was making them feel the pressure of Rome's foot on their neck, and he enjoyed a malicious pleasure in extorting from them the complaint, ”It is not lawful for us to put any man to death.”
Forced against their will and their expectation to formulate a charge, they began to pour forth many vehement accusations; out of which at length three emerged with some distinctness--first, that He was perverting the nation; second, that He forbade to pay the imperial tribute; and third, that He set Himself up as a king.
It will be observed that they never mentioned the charge on which they had condemned Him themselves. It was for none of these three things that they had condemned Him, but for blasphemy. They knew too well, however, that if they advanced such a charge in this place, the likelihood was that it would be sneered out of court. It will be remembered how a Roman governor, mentioned in the life of St. Paul, dealt with such a charge: ”Gallio said unto the Jews, If it were a matter of wrong or wicked lewdness, O ye Jews, reason would that I should bear with you; but, if it be a question of words and names, and of your law, look ye to it; for I will be no judge of such matters.
And he drave them from the judgment-seat.” [3] And, although of course Pilate could not have dared to exhibit the same cynical disdain for what he would have called Jewish superst.i.tion, yet they knew that it was in his heart.
But their inability to bring forward the real charge put them in a false position, the dangers of which they did not escape. They had to extemporise crimes, and they were not scrupulous about it.
Their first charge--that Jesus was perverting the nation[4]--was vague.
But what are we to say of the second--that He forbade to pay the imperial tribute? When we remember His reply that very week to the question whether or not it was lawful to pay tribute--”Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and unto G.o.d the things which are G.o.d's”--it looks very like a deliberate falsehood.[5] There was more colour in their third statement--that He said He was Christ a King--for He had at their tribunal solemnly avowed Himself to be the Christ.
Yet, in this case, also, they were well aware that to the ear of a Roman the claim that He was a king would convey a different meaning from that conveyed to their ears by the claim to be the Christ.