Volume Ii Part 7 (1/2)
Those beneficent trucks carried enough to buy in at a stroke nine tenths of the old-tenor notes of the province,--nominally worth above two millions.
A stringent tax, laid on by the a.s.sembly, paid the remaining tenth, and Ma.s.sachusetts was restored to financial health.
[Footnote: Palfrey, _New England_, V. 101-109; s.h.i.+rley, _Report to the Board of Trade. Bollan to Secretary Willard_, in _Coll. Ma.s.s.
Hist. Soc.,_ I. 53; Hutchinson, _Hist. Ma.s.s.,_ II. 391-395.
_Letters of Bollan_ in Ma.s.sachusetts Archives.
It was through the exertions of the much-abused Thomas Hutchinson, Speaker of the a.s.sembly and historian of Ma.s.sachusetts, that the money was used for the laudable purpose of extinguis.h.i.+ng the old debt.
s.h.i.+rley did his utmost to support Bollan in his efforts to obtain compensation, and after highly praising the zeal and loyalty of the people of his province, he writes to Newcastle: ”Justice, as well as the affection which I bear to 'em, constrains me to beseech your Grace to recommend their Case to his Majesty's paternal Care & Tenderness in the Strongest manner.”
_s.h.i.+rley to Newcastle, 6 Nov. 1745._
The English doc.u.ments on the siege of Louisbourg are many and voluminous.
The Pepperrell Papers and the Belknap Papers, both in the library of the Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society, afford a vast number of contemporary letters and doc.u.ments on the subject. The large volume ent.i.tled _Siege of Louisbourg_, in the same repository, contains many more, including a number of autograph diaries of soldiers and others. To these are to be added the journals of General Wolcott, James Gibson, Benjamin Cleaves, Seth Pomeroy, and several others, in print or ma.n.u.script, among which is especially to be noted the journal appended to s.h.i.+rley's Letter to the Duke of Newcastle of Oct. 28, 1745, and bearing the names of Pepperrell, Brigadier Waldo, Colonel Moore, and Lieutenant-Colonels Lothrop and Gridley, who attest its accuracy. Many papers have also been drawn from the Public Record Office of London.
Accounts of this affair have hitherto rested, with but slight exceptions, on English sources alone. The archives of France have furnished useful material to the foregoing narrative, notably the long report of the Governor, Duchambon, to the Minister of War, and the letter of the Intendant, Bigot, to the same personage, within about six weeks after the surrender. But the most curious French evidence respecting the siege is the _Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg contenant une Relation exacte & circonstanciee de la Prise de l'Isle-Royale par les Anglois. A Quebec, chez Guillaume le Sincere, a l'Image de la Verite_, 1745. This little work, of eighty-one printed pages, is extremely rare. I could study it only by having a _literatim_ transcript made from the copy in the Bibliotheque Nationale, as it was not in the British Museum. It bears the signature B.
L. N., and is dated _a ... ce 28 Aout, 1745._ The imprint of Quebec, etc., is certainly a mask, the book having no doubt been printed in France.
It severely criticises Duchambon, and makes him mainly answerable for the disaster.
For French views of the siege of Louisbourg, _see_ Appendix B.]
CHAPTER XXI.
1745-1747.
DUC D'ANVILLE.
LOUISBOURG AFTER THE CONQUEST.--MUTINY.--PESTILENCE.--STEPHEN WILLIAMS.--HIS DIARY.--SCHEME OF CONQUERING CANADA.--NEWCASTLE'S PROMISES.--ALARM IN CANADA.--PROMISES BROKEN.--PLAN AGAINST CROWN POINT.--STARTLING NEWS.--D'ANVILLE'S FLEET.--LOUISBOURG TO BE AVENGED.--DISASTERS OF D'ANVILLE.--STORM.--PESTILENCE.--FAMINE.--DEATH OF D'ANVILLE.--SUICIDE OF THE VICE-ADMIRAL.--RUINOUS FAILURE.--RETURN VOYAGE.--DEFEAT OF LA JONQUIeRE.
The troops and inhabitants of Louisbourg were all embarked for France, and the town was at last in full possession of the victors. The serious-minded among them--and there were few who did not bear the stamp of hereditary Puritanism--now saw a fresh proof that they were the peculiar care of an approving Providence. While they were in camp the weather had been favorable; but they were scarcely housed when a cold, persistent rain poured down in floods that would have drenched their flimsy tents and turned their huts of turf into mud-heaps, robbing the sick of every hope of recovery. Even now they got little comfort from the shattered tenements of Louisbourg. The siege had left the town in so filthy a condition that the wells were infected and the water was poisoned.
The soldiers clamored for discharge, having enlisted to serve only till the end of the expedition; and s.h.i.+rley insisted that faith must be kept with them, or no more would enlist. [Footnote: _s.h.i.+rley to Newcastle, 27 Sept. 1745._] Pepperrell, much to the dissatisfaction of Warren, sent home about seven hundred men, some of whom were on the sick list, while the rest had families in distress and danger on the exposed frontier. At the same time he begged hard for reinforcements, expecting a visit from the French and a desperate attempt to recover Louisbourg. He and Warren governed the place jointly, under martial law, and they both pa.s.sed half their time in holding courts-martial; for disorder reigned among the disgusted militia, and no less among the crowd of hungry speculators, who flocked like vultures to the conquered town to buy the cargoes of captured s.h.i.+ps, or seek for other prey. The Ma.s.sachusetts soldiers, whose pay was the smallest, and who had counted on being at their homes by the end of July, were the most turbulent; but all alike were on the brink of mutiny.
Excited by their ringleaders, they one day marched in a body to the parade and threw down their arms; but probably soon picked them up again, as in most cases the guns were hunting-pieces belonging to those who carried them. Pepperrell begged s.h.i.+rley to come to Louisbourg and bring the mutineers back to duty. Accordingly, on the 16th of August he arrived in a s.h.i.+p-of-war, accompanied by Mrs. s.h.i.+rley and Mrs. Warren, wife of the Commodore. The soldiers duly fell into line to receive him. As it was not his habit to hide his own merits, he tells the Duke of Newcastle that n.o.body but he could have quieted the malcontents,--which is probably true, as n.o.body else had power to raise their pay. He made them a speech, promised them forty s.h.i.+llings in Ma.s.sachusetts new-tenor currency a month, instead of twenty-five, and ended with ordering for each man half a pint of rum to drink the King's health. Though potations so generous might be thought to promise effects not wholly sedative, the mutineers were brought to reason, and some even consented to remain in garrison till the next June. [Footnote: _s.h.i.+rley to Newcastle, 4 Dec 1745._]
Small reinforcements came from New England to hold the place till the arrival of troops from Gibraltar, promised by the ministry. The two regiments raised in the colonies, and commanded by s.h.i.+rley and Pepperrell, were also intended to form a part of the garrison; but difficulty was found in filling the ranks, because, says s.h.i.+rley, some commissions have been given to Englishmen, and men will not enlist here except under American officers.
Nothing could be more dismal than the condition of Louisbourg, as reflected in the diaries of soldiers and others who spent there the winter that followed its capture. Among these diaries is that of the worthy Benjamin Crafts, private in Hale's Ess.e.x regiment, who to the entry of each day adds a pious invocation, sincere in its way, no doubt, though hackneyed, and sometimes in strange company. Thus, after noting down s.h.i.+rley's gift of half a pint of rum to every man to drink the King's health, he adds immediately: ”The Lord Look upon us and enable us to trust in him & may he prepare us for his holy Day.” On ”September ye 1, being Sabath,” we find the following record: ”I am much out of order. This forenoon heard Mr.
Stephen Williams preach from ye 18 Luke 9 verse in the afternoon from ye 8 of Ecles: 8 verse: Blessed be the Lord that has given us to enjoy another Sabath and opertunity to hear his Word Dispensed.” On the next day, ”being Monday,” he continues, ”Last night I was taken very Bad: the Lord be pleased to strengthen my inner man that I may put my whole Trust in him.
May we all be prepared for his holy will. Red part of plunder, 9 small tooth combs.” Crafts died in the spring, of the prevailing distemper, after doing good service in the commissary department of his regiment.
Stephen Williams, the preacher whose sermons had comforted Crafts in his trouble, was a son of Rev. John Williams, captured by the Indians at Deerfield in 1704, and was now minister of Long Meadow, Ma.s.sachusetts. He had joined the anti-papal crusade as one of its chaplains, and pa.s.sed for a man of ability,--a point on which those who read his diary will probably have doubts. The lot of the army chaplains was of the hardest. A pestilence had fallen upon Louisbourg, and turned the fortress into a hospital. ”After we got into the town,” says the sarcastic Dr. Douglas, whose pleasure it is to put everything in its worst light, ”a sordid indolence or sloth, for want of discipline, induced putrid fevers and dysenteries, which at length in August became contagious, and the people died like rotten sheep.” From fourteen to twenty-seven were buried every day in the cemetery behind the town, outside the Maurepas Gate, by the old lime-kiln, on Rochefort Point; and the forgotten bones of above five hundred New England men lie there to this day under the coa.r.s.e, neglected gra.s.s. The chaplain's diary is little but a dismal record of sickness, death, sermons, funerals, and prayers with the dying ten times a day. ”Prayed at Hospital;--Prayed at Citadel;--Preached at Grand Eatery;--Visited Capt. [illegible], very sick;--One of Capt. ----'s company dyd--Am but poorly myself, but able to keep about.” Now and then there is a momentary change of note, as when he writes: ”July 29th. One of ye Captains of ye men of war caind a soldier who struck ye capt. again. A great tumult. Swords were drawn; no life lost, but great uneasiness is caused.” Or when he sets down the ”say” of some Briton, apparently a naval officer, ”that he had tho't ye New England men were Cowards--but now he tho't yt if they had a pick axe & spade, they w'd dig ye way to h.e.l.l & storm it.” [Footnote: The autograph diary of Rev. Stephen Williams is in my possession. The handwriting is detestable.]
Williams was sorely smitten with homesickness, but he st.u.r.dily kept his post, in spite of grievous yearnings for family and flock. The pestilence slowly abated, till at length the burying-parties that pa.s.sed the Maurepas Gate counted only three or four a day. At the end of January five hundred and sixty-one men had died, eleven hundred were on the sick list, and about one thousand fit for duty. [Footnote: On May 10th, 1746, s.h.i.+rley writes to Newcastle that eight hundred and ninety men had died during the winter. The sufferings of the garrison from cold were extreme.] The promised regiments from Gibraltar had not come. Could the French have struck then, Louisbourg might have changed hands again. The Gibraltar regiments had arrived so late upon that rude coast that they turned southward to the milder sh.o.r.es of Virginia, spent the winter there, and did not appear at Louisbourg till April. They brought with them a commission for Warren as governor of the fortress. He made a speech of thanks to the New England garrison, now reduced to less than nineteen hundred men, sick and well, and they sailed at last for home, Louisbourg being now thought safe from any attempt of France.
To the zealous and energetic s.h.i.+rley the capture of the fortress was but a beginning of greater triumphs. Scarcely had the New England militia sailed from Boston on their desperate venture, when he wrote to the Duke of Newcastle that should the expedition succeed, all New England would be on fire to attack Canada, and the other colonies would take part with them, if ordered to do so by the ministry. [Footnote: _s.h.i.+rley to Newcastle, 4 April, 1745._] And, some months later, after Louisbourg was taken, he urged the policy of striking while the iron was hot, and invading Canada at once. The colonists, he said, were ready, and it would be easier to raise ten thousand men for such an attack than one thousand to lie idle in garrison at Louisbourg or anywhere else. France and England, he thinks, cannot live on the same continent. If we were rid of the French, he continues, England would soon control America, which would make her first among the nations; and he ventures what now seems the modest prediction that in one or two centuries the British colonies would rival France in population. Even now, he is sure that they would raise twenty thousand men to capture Canada, if the King required it of them, and Warren would be an acceptable commander for the naval part of the expedition; ”but,” concludes the Governor, ”I will take no step without orders from his Majesty.”
[Footnote: _s.h.i.+rley to Newcastle, 29 Oct. 1745._]
The Duke of Newcastle was now at the head of the Government. Smollett and Horace Walpole have made his absurdities familiar, in anecdotes which, true or not, do no injustice to his character; yet he had talents that were great in their way, though their way was a mean one. They were talents, not of the statesman, but of the political manager, and their object was to win office and keep it.
Newcastle, whatever his motives, listened to the counsels of s.h.i.+rley, and directed him to consult with Warren as to the proposed attack on Canada.