Part 2 (2/2)

”I did not know what the action of our Government would be,” said the Admiral to the Committee, [19] adding that he simply used his best judgment on the spot at the time; presumably supposing that his Government would do the decent thing by these people who considered us their liberators. ”They looked on us as their liberators,” said he. [20] ”Up to the time the army came he (Aguinaldo) did everything I requested. He was most obedient; whatever I told him to do he did. I saw him almost daily. [21] I had not much to do with him after the army came.” [22]

That was no ordinary occasion, that midsummer session of the Senate Committee in 1902. It was a case of the powerful of the earth discussing a question of ethics, even as they do in Boston. The nation had been intoxicated in 1898 with the pride of power--power revealed to it by the Spanish War; and in a spirit thus mellowed had taken the Philippines as a sort of political foreign mission, forgetting the injunction of the Fathers to keep Church and State separate, but not forgetting the possible profits of trade with the saved. A long war with the prospective saved had followed, developing many barbarities avenged in kind, and the breezes from the South Seas were suggesting the aroma of shambles. ”How did we get into all this mess, anyhow?” said the people. ”Let us pause, and consider.” Hear the still small voice of a nation's conscience mingling with demagogic nonsense perpetrated by potent, grave, and reverend Senators:

Admiral Dewey: ”I do not think it makes any difference what my opinion is on these things.”

Senator Patterson: ”There is no man whose opinion goes farther with the country than yours does, Admiral, and therefore I think you ought to be very prudent in expressing your views.”

Senator Beveridge (Acting Chairman): ”The Chairman will not permit any member to lecture Admiral Dewey on his prudence or imprudence.”

This of course would read well to ”Mary of the Vine-clad Cottage”

out in Indiana, whose four-year-old boy was named George Dewey--, or to her counterpart up in Vermont who might name her next boy after the brilliant and distinguished Acting Chairman, in token of her choice for the Presidency.

Senator Patterson: ”I was not lecturing him.”

Senator Beveridge: ”Yes; you said he ought to be prudent.”

Senator Patterson: ”And I think it was well enough to suggest those things.” [23]

Thawed into theorizing by these indubitably genuine evidences of a nation's high regard, the man of action tried to help the nation out. He said he had used the Filipinos as the Federal troops used the negroes in the Civil War. Senator Patterson struck this suggestion amids.h.i.+ps and sunk it with the remark that the negroes were expecting freedom. Admiral Dewey had said ”The Filipinos were slaves too”

and considered him their liberator. [24] But he never did elaborate on the new definition of freedom which had followed in the wake of his s.h.i.+ps to Manila, viz., that Freedom does not necessarily mean freedom from alien domination, but only a change of masters deemed by the new master beneficial to the ”slave.”

Apropos of why he accepted Aguinaldo's help, the Admiral also said:

I was waiting for troops to arrive, and I felt sure the Filipinos could not take Manila, and I thought that the closer they invested the city the easier it would be when our troops arrived to march in. The Filipinos were our friends, a.s.sisting us; they were doing our work. [25]

Asked as to how big a force Aguinaldo had under arms then and afterwards, the Admiral said maybe 25,000, adding, by way of ill.u.s.tration of the pluck, vim, and patriotism of his valuable new-made friends, ”They could have had any number of men; it was just a question of arming them. They could have had the whole population.” [26]

Eleven months after that, when we captured the first insurgent capital, Malolos, General MacArthur, the ablest and one of the bravest generals we ever set to slaughtering Filipinos, said to a newspaper man just after a b.l.o.o.d.y and of course victorious fight: ”When I first started in against these rebels, I believed that Aguinaldo's troops represented only a faction.” ”I did not like,” said this veteran of three wars, who was always ”on the job” in action out there as elsewhere, ”I did not like to believe that the whole population of Luzon * * *

was opposed to us * * * but after having come thus far, and having been brought much in contact with both insurrectos and amigos, I have been reluctantly compelled to believe that the Filipino ma.s.ses are loyal to Aguinaldo and the government which he heads”. [27]

Is it at all unlikely that Admiral Dewey did in fact say of his proteges, the Filipinos, to an American visiting Manila in January, 1899, three or four weeks before the war broke out, ”Rather than make a war of conquest upon the Filipino people, I would up anchor and sail out of the harbor.” [28]

If Dewey and MacArthur were right, then, about the situation around Manila in 1898, it was a case of an entire people united in an aspiration, and looking to us for its fulfilment.

When the American troops reached the Philippines and perfected their battle formations about Manila, and the order to advance was given, they did ”march in,” to use Admiral Dewey's expression above quoted. But they did not let the Filipinos have a finger in the pie. The conquest and retention of the islands had then been determined upon. The Admiral's reasons for saddling his protege with a series of b.l.o.o.d.y battles and a long and arduous campaign are certainly stated with the proverbial frankness of the sailorman: ”I wanted his help, you know.” But what was Aguinaldo to get out of the transaction, from the Dewey point of view?

”They wanted to get rid of the Spaniards. I do not think they looked much beyond that,” [29] said the Admiral to the Senate Committee. Let us see whether they did or not. Aguinaldo had been s.h.i.+pped by the Honorable E. Spencer Pratt, Consul-General of the United States at Singapore, from that point to Hong Kong on April 26th, consigned to his fellow Warwick, the Honorable Rounseville Wildman, Consul-General of the United States at the last-named place, and had been received in due course by the consignee. May 5th, at Hong Kong, the Filipino Revolutionary Committee had a meeting, the minutes of which we subsequently came into possession of, along with other captured insurgent papers. The following is an extract from those minutes:

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