Part 17 (1/2)
He returned to business after the miscarriage of this last enterprise, sprinkled me all over, legs and all, greased my hair in defiance of my protest against it, rubbed and scrubbed a good deal of it out by the roots, and combed and brushed the rest, parting it behind, and plastering the eternal inverted arch of hair down on my forehead, and then, while combing my scant eyebrows and defiling them with pomade, strung out an account of the achievements of a six-ounce black-and-tan terrier of his till I heard the whistles blow for noon, and knew I was five minutes too late for the train. Then he s.n.a.t.c.hed away the towel, brushed it lightly about my face, pa.s.sed his comb through my eyebrows once more, and gaily sang out ”Next!”
This barber fell down and died of apoplexy two hours later. I am waiting over a day for my revenge-I am going to attend his funeral.
”PARTY CRIES” IN IRELAND
Belfast is a peculiarly religious community. This may be said of the whole of the North of Ireland. About one-half of the people are Protestants and the other half Catholics. Each party does all it can to make its own doctrines popular and draw the affections of the irreligious toward them. One hears constantly of the most touching instances of this zeal. A week ago a vast concourse of Catholics a.s.sembled at Armagh to dedicate a new Cathedral; and when they started home again the roadways were lined with groups of meek and lowly Protestants who stoned them till all the region round about was marked with blood. I thought that only Catholics argued in that way, but it seems to be a mistake.
Every man in the community is a missionary and carries a brick to admonish the erring with. The law has tried to break this up, but not with perfect success. It has decreed that irritating ”party cries” shall not be indulged in, and that persons uttering them shall be fined forty s.h.i.+llings and costs. And so, in the police court reports every day, one sees these fines recorded. Last week a girl of twelve years old was fined the usual forty s.h.i.+llings and costs for proclaiming in the public streets that she was ”a Protestant.” The usual cry is, ”To h.e.l.l with the Pope!” or ”To h.e.l.l with the Protestants!” according to the utterer's system of salvation.
One of Belfast's local jokes was very good. It referred to the uniform and inevitable fine of forty s.h.i.+llings and costs for uttering a party cry-and it is no economical fine for a poor man, either, by the way. They say that a policeman found a drunken man lying on the ground, up a dark alley, entertaining himself with shouting, ”To h.e.l.l with!” ”To h.e.l.l with!” The officer smelt a fine-informers get half.
”What's that you say?”
”To h.e.l.l with!”
”To h.e.l.l with who? To h.e.l.l with what?”
”Ah, bedad, ye can finish it yourself-it's too expinsive for me!”
I think the seditious disposition, restrained by the economical instinct, is finely put in that.
THE FACTS CONCERNING THE RECENT RESIGNATION [Written about 1867]
WAs.h.i.+NGTON, December, 1867.
I have resigned. The government appears to go on much the same, but there is a spoke out of its wheel, nevertheless. I was clerk of the Senate Committee on Conchology and I have thrown up the position. I could see the plainest disposition on the part of the other members of the government to debar me from having any voice in the counsels of the nation, and so I could no longer hold office and retain my self-respect. If I were to detail all the outrages that were heaped upon me during the six days that I was connected with the government in an official capacity, the narrative would fill a volume. They appointed me clerk of that Committee on Conchology and then allowed me no amanuensis to play billiards with. I would have borne that, lonesome as it was, if I had met with that courtesy from the other members of the Cabinet which was my due. But I did not. Whenever I observed that the head of a department was pursuing a wrong course, I laid down everything and went and tried to set him right, as it was my duty to do; and I never was thanked for it in a single instance. I went, with the best intentions in the world, to the Secretary of the Navy, and said: ”Sir, I cannot see that Admiral Farragut is doing anything but skirmis.h.i.+ng around there in Europe, having a sort of picnic. Now, that may be all very well, but it does not exhibit itself to me in that light. If there is no fighting for him to do, let him come home. There is no use in a man having a whole fleet for a pleasure excursion. It is too expensive. Mind, I do not object to pleasure excursions for the naval officers-pleasure excursions that are in reason-pleasure excursions that are economical. Now, they might go down the Mississippi on a raft-”
You ought to have heard him storm! One would have supposed I had committed a crime of some kind. But I didn't mind. I said it was cheap, and full of republican simplicity, and perfectly safe. I said that, for a tranquil pleasure excursion, there was nothing equal to a raft.
Then the Secretary of the Navy asked me who I was; and when I told him I was connected with the government, he wanted to know in what capacity. I said that, without remarking upon the singularity of such a question, coming, as it did, from a member of that same government, I would inform him that I was clerk of the Senate Committee on Conchology. Then there was a fine storm! He finished by ordering me to leave the premises, and give my attention strictly to my own business in future. My first impulse was to get him removed. However, that would harm others besides himself, and do me no real good, and so I let him stay.
I went next to the Secretary of War, who was not inclined to see me at all until he learned that I was connected with the government. If I had not been on important business, I suppose I could not have got in. I asked him for a light (he was smoking at the time), and then I told him I had no fault to find with his defending the parole stipulations of General Lee and his comrades in arms, but that I could not approve of his method of fighting the Indians on the Plains. I said he fought too scattering. He ought to get the Indians more together-get them together in some convenient place, where he could have provisions enough for both parties, and then have a general ma.s.sacre. I said there was nothing so convincing to an Indian as a general ma.s.sacre. If he could not approve of the ma.s.sacre, I said the next surest thing for an Indian was soap and education. Soap and education are not as sudden as a ma.s.sacre, but they are more deadly in the long run; because a half-ma.s.sacred Indian may recover, but if you educate him and wash him, it is bound to finish him some time or other. It undermines his const.i.tution; it strikes at the foundation of his being. ”Sir,” I said, ”the time has come when blood-curdling cruelty has become necessary. Inflict soap and a spelling-book on every Indian that ravages the Plains, and let them die!”
The Secretary of War asked me if I was a member of the Cabinet, and I said I was. He inquired what position I held, and I said I was clerk of the Senate Committee on Conchology. I was then ordered under arrest for contempt of court, and restrained of my liberty for the best part of the day.
I almost resolved to be silent thenceforward, and let the Government get along the best way it could. But duty called, and I obeyed. I called on the Secretary of the Treasury. He said: ”What will you have?”
The question threw me off my guard. I said, ”Rum punch.”
He said: ”If you have got any business here, sir, state it-and in as few words as possible.”
I then said that I was sorry he had seen fit to change the subject so abruptly, because such conduct was very offensive to me; but under the circ.u.mstances I would overlook the matter and come to the point. I now went into an earnest expostulation with him upon the extravagant length of his report. I said it was expensive, unnecessary, and awkwardly constructed; there were no descriptive pa.s.sages in it, no poetry, no sentiment-no heroes, no plot, no pictures-not even wood-cuts. n.o.body would read it, that was a clear case. I urged him not to ruin his reputation by getting out a thing like that. If he ever hoped to succeed in literature he must throw more variety into his writings. He must beware of dry detail. I said that the main popularity of the almanac was derived from its poetry and conundrums, and that a few conundrums distributed around through his Treasury report would help the sale of it more than all the internal revenue he could put into it. I said these things in the kindest spirit, and yet the Secretary of the Treasury fell into a violent pa.s.sion. He even said I was an a.s.s. He abused me in the most vindictive manner, and said that if I came there again meddling with his business he would throw me out of the window. I said I would take my hat and go, if I could not be treated with the respect due to my office, and I did go. It was just like a new author. They always think they know more than anybody else when they are getting out their first book. n.o.body can tell them anything.
During the whole time that I was connected with the government it seemed as if I could not do anything in an official capacity without getting myself into trouble. And yet I did nothing, attempted nothing, but what I conceived to be for the good of my country. The sting of my wrongs may have driven me to unjust and harmful conclusions, but it surely seemed to me that the Secretary of State, the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Treasury, and others of my confreres had conspired from the very beginning to drive me from the Administration. I never attended but one Cabinet meeting while I was connected with the government. That was sufficient for me. The servant at the White House door did not seem disposed to make way for me until I asked if the other members of the Cabinet had arrived. He said they had, and I entered. They were all there; but n.o.body offered me a seat. They stared at me as if I had been an intruder. The President said: ”Well, sir, who are you?”
I handed him my card, and he read: ”The HON. MARK TWAIN, Clerk of the Senate Committee on Conchology.” Then he looked at me from head to foot, as if he had never heard of me before. The Secretary of the Treasury said: ”This is the meddlesome a.s.s that came to recommend me to put poetry and conundrums in my report, as if it were an almanac.”
The Secretary of War said: ”It is the same visionary that came to me yesterday with a scheme to educate a portion of the Indians to death, and ma.s.sacre the balance.”
The Secretary of the Navy said: ”I recognize this youth as the person who has been interfering with my business time and again during the week. He is distressed about Admiral Farragut's using a whole fleet for a pleasure excursion, as he terms it. His proposition about some insane pleasure excursion on a raft is too absurd to repeat.”
I said: ”Gentlemen, I perceive here a disposition to throw discredit upon every act of my official career; I perceive, also, a disposition to debar me from all voice in the counsels of the nation. No notice whatever was sent to me to-day. It was only by the merest chance that I learned that there was going to be a Cabinet meeting. But let these things pa.s.s. All I wish to know is, is this a Cabinet meeting or is it not?”
The President said it was.
”Then,” I said, ”let us proceed to business at once, and not fritter away valuable time in unbecoming fault-findings with each other's official conduct.”
The Secretary of State now spoke up, in his benignant way, and said, ”Young man, you are laboring under a mistake. The clerks of the Congressional committees are not members of the Cabinet. Neither are the doorkeepers of the Capitol, strange as it may seem. Therefore, much as we could desire your more than human wisdom in our deliberations, we cannot lawfully avail ourselves of it. The counsels of the nation must proceed without you; if disaster follows, as follow full well it may, be it balm to your sorrowing spirit that by deed and voice you did what in you lay to avert it. You have my blessing. Farewell.”